{"id":12091,"date":"2013-02-13T15:30:49","date_gmt":"2013-02-13T15:30:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.mixedracestudies.org\/wordpress\/?p=12091"},"modified":"2015-09-13T23:25:47","modified_gmt":"2015-09-13T23:25:47","slug":"til","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/?p=12091","title":{"rendered":"The Invisible Line: Three American Families and the Secret Journey from Black to White [Review]"},"content":{"rendered":"

Daniel J. Sharfstein. The Invisible Line: Three American Families and the Secret Journey from Black to White<\/a><\/em>. New York: Penguin Press, 2011. 415 pp. Hardcover ISBN: 9781594202827.<\/p>\n

Steven F. Riley<\/strong><\/a>
\n2011-02-28<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

\n

\u201cThis is the decade of Tiger Woods<\/a> and Barack Obama<\/a>, where we talked about race combinations,\u201d Robert Groves<\/a>, director of the federal agency, said about forthcoming 2010 Census data in an interview on Bloomberg Television\u2019s<\/em> \u201cPolitical Capital with Al Hunt\u201d<\/a>. \u201cI can\u2019t wait to see the pattern of responses on multiple races. That\u2019ll be a neat indicator to watch.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Toronto Star<\/em>
\nDecember 13, 2010<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

While it is tempting to be as excited as Mr. Groves is in waiting for the census results of the racial makeup of the United States, I would suggest that the so-called “race combinations” that he speaks of have been occurring for quite some time.\u00a0Much has been written in recent years about the “changing face” of America that foretells that we will become a\u00a0“mixed-race” country, or as Marcia A. Dawkins states, a “Miscege-Nation.”\u00a0 Yet, this is not wholly true, for we are not becoming a multiracial society, we already are<\/em> a multiracial society.\u00a0 We have been\u00a0multiracial\u00a0not for years, or even decades, but for centuries.<\/p>\n

So while many may proclaim that an increasing number of self-identified <\/em>mixed-race individuals will usher in a new era of racial reconciliation, we are fortunate to benefit from the excellent scholarship of Daniel J. Sharfstein<\/a>, Associate Professor of Law at Vanderbilt University, who points out to us that racial mixture is as old as the nation and it has not\u2014in and by itself\u2014led to racial reconciliation. \u00a0In fact, his portrayal of three families over a span of three centuries in his new book The Invisible Line: Three American Families and the Secret Journey from Black to White,<\/em>\u00a0shows that under the specter\u00a0of white supremacy, racial mixture was\u2014and may still be\u2014a way-station on the road to a white racial identity. \u00a0These racial journeys occurred so frequently in American history they should be considered one of \u00a0the great mass movements of people such as the settlement of North America, the westward expansion, and immigration. Furthermore, these journeys from black to white did not necessarily involve a change of venue, but could occur in the same community over a generation or more.<\/p>\n

Unlike the stories of the Hemmings and Hairstons\u00a0that explore the white roots of\u00a0black families, The Invisible Line<\/em> is an important work that explores the “black” roots of white familes. Though “race” as we know it today is a social\u2014not biological\u2014construct,\u00a0 Sharfstein reminds us that it was and still is a very salient <\/em>social construct.\u00a0 In fact, for the families portrayed in the book, “race” becomes a form of wealth\/property, obtained (by “passing” if necessary) and\u00a0inherited by future generations.\u00a0 In The Invisible Line<\/em>, Sharfstein avoids casting a pejorative gaze upon these “passers” and their occasional accusers and instead casts blame squarely on the shoulders white supremacy. \u00a0Early in the introduction, Sharfstein points out that…<\/p>\n

African Americans began to migrate from black to white as soon as slaves arrived on American shores. \u00a0In seventeenth-century Virginia, social distinctions such as class and race were fluid, but the consequences of being black or white were enormous. \u00a0It often meant the difference between slavery and freedom, poverty and prosperity, persecution and power. \u00a0Even so, dozens of European women had children by African men, and together they established the first free black communities in the colonies. \u00a0With every incentive to become white\u2014it would give them better land and jobs, lower taxes, and less risk of being enslaved\u2014many free blacks assimilated into white communities over time…<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

After researching hundreds of families, court cases, government records, histories, scholarly works, newspaper accounts, memoirs and family papers, Sharfstein chose to focus on three families: the Gibsons, the Spencers and the Walls.\u00a0 Each of these families left the bondage of slavery and took different trajectories on the\u00a0path towards a white identity.<\/p>\n

The Gibsons<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Gibson story begins in 1672 in colonial Virginia when a free woman named Elizabeth Chavis successfully sued for the freedom of a boy of color named Gibson Gibson… who was also her son. In a reversal of English law where the status of the child followed that of the father, the colonies in a bid to codify slavery enacted laws that set the status of the child to follow the mother, or as the saying went, “birth follows the belly.” Contrary to popular belief, the laws did little to restrict interracial unions\u2014especially between white men and black women\u2014but rather, channeled these unions for the benefit of the institution of slavery. For Gibby Gibson and his brother Hubbard, harsh laws against people of color encouraged them to marry whites. Sharfstein states:<\/p>\n

Whites in the family gave their spouses and children stronger claims to freedom and had immediate economic advantages\u2014while black women were subject to heavy taxes, white women were not.\u00a0 Increasingly harsh laws\u00a0did not separate Africans and Europeans.\u00a0 To the contrary, they spurred some people of\u00a0African descent\u00a0to try to escape their classification.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The Gibsons took what I shall describe as a fast-track to whiteness.\u00a0 After Gibby Gibson’s freedom he and his brother spent the next 50 years amassing land and, yes… slaves.\u00a0 After moving to South Carolina in the 1730s as planters they were granted hundreds of acres. By the time of the Civil War they were part of the Southern aristocracy.\u00a0 Two brothers, Randall Lee and Hart Gibson, again took the spotlight and became standout students at Yale University and later ,officers in the Confederate Army.\u00a0 Randall was promoted to brigadier general in 1864.\u00a0 Despite the Confederate defeat at the end of the war, Randall would be a successful New Orleans lawyer, a founder of Tulane University,\u00a0and would eventually be elected to represent Louisiana\u00a0for four terms in the House of Representatives and for nine years in the U.S. Senate.<\/p>\n

Randall Gibson’s white identity went unchallenged until January 27, 1877, when James Madison Wells wrote in an article that, “This colored Democratic Representative seems to claim a right to assail the white race because he feels boastingly proud of the\u00a0commingling of the African with Caucasian blood in his veins.”\u00a0 This accusation was grounds for libel, but Gibson did not sue Wells.\u00a0 He did not need to.\u00a0 As Sharfstein deftly points out frequently throughout the Invisible Line<\/em>, white communities were very much aware of “mixture in their midst,” yet chose to believe these individuals were white.\u00a0 Even if a person believed that his or her whiteness was secure,\u00a0accusing ones neighbor\u00a0of being black could have unintended consequences, especially if\u00a0your children had offspring with the neighbor.\u00a0 “Race” became a socially agreed upon arrangement.\u00a0\u00a0 Thus, as Sharfstein wrote in a 2007 article:<\/p>\n

“…the one-drop rule did not, as many have suggested, make all mixed-race people black. From the beginning, African Americans assimilated into white communities across the South. Often, becoming white did not require the deception normally associated with racial \u201cpassing\u201d; whites knew that certain people were different and let them cross the color line anyway. These communities were not islands of racial tolerance. They could be as committed to slavery, segregation, and white supremacy as anywhere else, and so could their newest members\u2014it was one of the things that made them white. The history of the color line is one in which people have lived quite comfortably with contradiction.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Yet this contradiction was not the same of acceptance, especially in Louisiana, where Sharfstein says…<\/p>\n

“the existence of a large, traditionally free mixed-race class meant that whites had long competed with people of color for jobs, land, and status…\u00a0 …On the streets of New Orleans, it was famously difficult to distinguish one race from the other at a glance\u2014many whites were dark, and many blacks were light.\u00a0 Every day people witnessed the color line bending and breaking.\u00a0 The result was that whites believed all the more deeply in their racial supremacy.\u00a0 They organized their entire political life around it…. …Believing in racial difference\u2014enough to kill for it\u2014was what kept whites separate from blacks.\u00a0 For\u00a0white Louisianans, knowing that blacks could look like them did not discount the importance of blood purity.\u00a0 Rather, they were as likely as anyone in the South to consider a person with traceable African ancestry, no matter how remote, to be black.\u00a0 The porous nature of the color line required eternal vigilance.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The Spencers<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Spencers took an inconspicuous path towards\u00a0a white identity.\u00a0 George Freeman, possibly the son of his owner Joseph Spencer, was emancipated at twenty-four years of age around 1814 in Clay County, Kentucky.\u00a0 Through hard work and a large family, Freeman was able to raise a profitable farm, enough so that he could provide loans to other farmers.\u00a0 By 1840, Freeman’s wife had died, but by then eleven people lived with him including his grown daughters with children of their own.\u00a0 In 1841, the \u00a0Freeman farm would make room for another resident; a twenty-five year-old pioneer white woman from South Carolina named Clarissa “Clarsy” Centers, who was pregnant with his child.\u00a0 Freeman and Centers were not married, and could not if they had wanted to because of Kentucky’s anti-miscegenation laws.\u00a0 Sharfstein points out:<\/p>\n

“Freeman and Centers were not the only ones in Clay County breaching the color line.\u00a0 Several free black women were living with white men.\u00a0 It was less common, however for black men to have families with white\u00a0women, and their relationships were perceived as a far greater threat to the social and racial order.\u00a0 After all, the mixed-race children of black women, more often than not, [became]\u00a0pieces of property, markers of wealth, for their owners.\u00a0 But the children of slave men and white\u00a0women were free under Kentucky law, and they blurred the physical distinctions that made racial status conceivable and enforceable.\u00a0 As a result, all such relationships were subversive, even those involving free men.<\/p>\n

Moreover, the control that white men had over their families, something that approached ownership under the law, helped maintain the idea that all white men were equal citizens in a country increasingly stratified by wealth…\u00a0 …That control was undermined when white women had children with black men…<\/p>\n

At the same time white communities did not always respond to these relationships with reflexive deadly violence.\u00a0 They were capable of tolerating difference or pretending it did not exist.\u00a0 Across the South in the early decades of the nineteenth century, black men and white women were forming families and living in peace.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

In 1845, George Freeman and Clarsy Centers’ daughter Malinda\u00a0was pregnant by Jordan Spencer, Freeman’s son or brother.\u00a0 After three years and three children, Jordan and Malinda’s family was part of a clan of twenty people within three generations living on fifty acres on Freeman’s farm; that was to\u00a0small to sustain them all.<\/p>\n

By 1855, Freeman was dead, forced to mortgage his farm to fight a fornication charge because he could not marry Clarsy Centers. The family of Jordan and Malinda was forced to move\u00a0100 miles away\u00a0within rural Johnson County, Kentucky.\u00a0 When they got there they called themselves Jordan and Malinda Spencer and their new neighbors welcomed them into their community… and called them white. As Sharfstein states:<\/p>\n

“In Johnson County and elsewhere, being white did not require exclusively European ancestry.\u00a0 Many whites did not hesitate to claim Native American decent.\u00a0 While Melungeons in Tennessee often lived apart and married among themselves, the Collins and Ratliff families in Johnson County were considerably less isolated.\u00a0 Half of the worshippers at the Rockhouse Methodist meeting had white faces, and light and dark families were neighbors along the nearby creeks.\u00a0 Many of the families themselves were mixed, like Jordan and Malinda Spencer’s.\u00a0 Their community offered them a path to assimilation.\u00a0 Although the Spencers were listed as “mulatto” in the 1860 census, dozens of Collins and Ratliff men and women were, at a glance, regarded as white.\u00a0 Jordan Spencer may have been dark, but there was such a thing as a dark white man.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The Walls<\/strong><\/p>\n

For the Wall family, the path to becoming white was a reluctant and painful one.\u00a0 Orindatus Simon Bolivar (O.S.B.) Wall and his siblings were freed by their owner (and father) in\u00a0the 1830s and 1840s and sent from their plantation in North Carolina to be raised by radical Quakers in Ohio.\u00a0 O.S.B. Wall eventually ended up in Oberlin, Ohio.\u00a0 With the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850<\/em><\/a>, slave catchers could now demand assistance from federal and local officials in any <\/em>state (including free-states) in locating and apprehending runaway slaves.\u00a0 Sharfstein notes that,<\/p>\n

“The act also permitted slave-owners to kidnap people and force them into federal court.\u00a0 After a short hearing, a commissioner would determine the status of the person in custody.\u00a0 Commissioners were paid ten dollars upon ruling that a person was a slave, but only five dollars if they determined that he or she was free.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Thus even free and freed blacks lived in constant fear that they and their families could be kidnapped and enslaved.\u00a0 Fortunately, there was no place more hostile to slave catchers than Oberlin.\u00a0 A generation earlier, New England Puritans had built the college and the town in the northern Ohio forest, dedicating themselves to bringing “our perishing world… under the entire influence of the blessed gospel of peace.”\u00a0 Oberlin Collegiate Institute, founded in 1832 was a school that educated both sexes and within three years took the then-radical step of admitting students “irrespective of color.” Oberlin did not just give blacks the opportunity to do business on equal terms with whites\u2014it offered blacks the unheard-of possibility of real political power.\u00a0\u00a0 In 1857 the town voted John Mercer Langston to be its clerk and appointed him a manager of the public schools.\u00a0 He was the first black elected official in the United States.<\/p>\n

After the end of the Civil War, Wall was detached to South Carolina to the Bureau of Refugees, Freedman and Abandoned Lands, a new federal agency devoted to integrating former slaves into civil society, (otherwise known as the Freedman’s Bureau.)\u00a0 His hope was “to do justice to freedmen” while “do[ing] no injustice to white persons.”\u00a0 It would appear that his hopes would become a reality in the fall of 1865 when the Bureau had begun redistributing thousands of acres of confiscated property to freed-people, but President Andrew Johnson ordered almost all the land returned to its previous owners.\u00a0 By the fall of 1865 former slaves found themselves no better than indentured servants.\u00a0 As the hope of Reconstruction began to fade, he realized that to serve the righteous cause, he would need more than a title and a responsibility, more than the sanction of\u00a0law.\u00a0 He needed power. Wall would move to Washington D.C.<\/p>\n

By 1877 Federal troops had abandoned the South, and as Sharfstein writes:<\/p>\n

“Democrats had carte blanche to ‘encourage violence and crime, elevate to office the men whose hands are reddest with innocent blood; force the Negroes out of Southern politics by the shotgun and the bulldozer’s whip; cheat them out of the elective franchise; suppress the Republican vote; kill off their white Republican leaders and keep the South solid.\u00a0 Countless thousands of Negroes in the South lived in conditions approximating slavery, shackled by sharecropping contracts, arrested on trumped-up charges, and sold as convict labor.\u00a0 Every few days a Negro was lynched: burned, shot, castrated or hacked to pieces.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Summary<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Invisible Line<\/em> reveals that the trajectory of history is never a straight line.\u00a0\u00a0The promise of the Reconstruction became the repression of Jim Crow.\u00a0The Democrats of the past that sought defend slavery before and during the Civil War and deny basic freedoms to blacks afterwards\u00a0are now the Republicans of the present who deny these events have any impact on the lives of black Americans today. Up became down, and black became white.<\/p>\n

Perhaps the most emphatic paragraph in the book is on page 236, where Sharfstein describes the everyday pain in the lives of black Americans.<\/p>\n

“The harder whites made it for blacks to earn a living, educate their children, and just make it through a single day without threat or insult, the greater the incentives grew for light-skinned blacks to leave their communities and establish themselves as white.\u00a0 If anything, the drumbeat of racial purity, the insistence that any African ancestry\u2014a single drop of blood\u2014tainted a person’s very existence, accelerated the migration to new identities and lives.\u00a0 The difference between white and black seemed obvious, an iron-clad rule, a biological fact.\u00a0 But the Walls knew that blacks could be as good as whites and as bad, as smart and as stupid.\u00a0 Blacks had just as much claim to schooling and jobs and love and family, to common courtesies each day.\u00a0 The Walls knew that blacks could be every bit the equal to whites\u2014and that their skins could be equally light.\u00a0 As the United States veered from slavery to Jim Crow, O.S.B. Wall’s children did not stand up and fight. They faded away.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This paragraph for me, offers a clear rationale why individuals chose to identify as white.\u00a0 More importantly though, Sharfstein like all good historians, shows us how events in the past can be repeated in the present and in\u00a0the future.\u00a0 For the Spencers, becoming white meant fitting in.\u00a0 For the Gibsons, becoming white allowed them to amass great wealth, to lose it (after the Civil War), and reclaim<\/em> it.\u00a0O.S.B. Wall lived his entire life working towards the goal that\u00a0people of African descent could be free, prosperous, American<\/em> and black<\/em>.\u00a0 For the Wall children, becoming white (even at the loss of financial status) was an escape from the indignities of being black.\u00a0 The chains of oppression do not always result in resistance.\u00a0 Sometimes the result is denial, surrender and assimilation.\u00a0 Furthermore, Sharfstein, without saying so, reasserts the importance of influence of law and\u00a0power upon the lives of his subjects.\u00a0\u00a0Though\u00a0it is now\u00a0popular for contempary novelists and cursory historians to recount, reframe, and reimagine\u00a0the stories of the individual lives without<\/em> acknowledging the legal and social forces shaping those lives, this is simply unacceptable.\u00a0 Fortunately, the works of Daniel Sharfstein and the late Peggy Pascoe remind us, as I like to put it, not to allow the history of experiences to obscure the experience of history.<\/p>\n

Though The Invisible Line<\/em> is about past racial migrations, the book says little if anything about present-day<\/em> racial migrations.\u00a0 Persistent economic and social disparity among racialized groups in the United States may\u00a0lead to\u00a0more Gibsons, Spencers and Walls in\u00a0the future.\u00a0 Just over a half-century ago, in 1947,\u00a0N.A.A.C.P. Secretary Walter White said:<\/p>\n

“Every year approximately 12,000 white-skinned Negroes disappear\u2014people whose absence cannot be explained by death or emigration. Nearly every one of the 14 million discernible Negroes in the United States knows at least one member of his race who is \u2018passing\u2019\u2014the magic word which means that some Negroes can get by as whites\u2026 \u00a0Often these emigrants achieve success in business, the professions, the arts and sciences. Many of them have married white people\u2026\u00a0 Sometimes they tell their husbands or wives of their Negro blood, sometimes not\u2026”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Thus according to sociologist George A. Yancey, white Americans\u2014despite demographic projections\u2014will not<\/em> lose their numerical majority status in 40 years or so.\u00a0 For scholars like Yancey, Sharfstein’s secret journey to whiteness, may become a public parade.\u00a0 Despite the increasing numbers and acceptance of interracial relationships and mixed-race births, intermarriage among non-blacks with whites far outpaces intermarriage between blacks and whites.\u00a0 The future for Yancey and others is not a white\/non-white divide, but rather a black\/non-black divide.<\/p>\n

With the increasing enactment of harsh anti-immigration legislation, it is indeed conceivable that many Asians and Latinos\u2014particularly those with mixed European ancestry\u2014may opt for a white identity through intermarriage with whites as a balm against increased anti-immigrant sentiment.\u00a0 As sociologists Jennifer Lee and Frank D. Bean point out, “Asian and Latinos may be next in line to be white, with multiracial Asian whites and Latino whites at the head of the queue.”\u00a0 If the notion that Asians and Latinos can become white seems implausible, sociologist Charles A. Gallagher<\/a> points out in his 2010 essay “In-between racial status, mobility, and the promise of assimilation: Irish, Italians yesterday, Latinos and Asians today,”\u00a0 “If you were Italian or Irish in the mid- to late- nineteenth century it was likely that, as a matter of common understanding and perception, you were on the ‘margins of whiteness.'”<\/p>\n

While The Invisible Line<\/em> is a remarkable book that should be read by anyone interested in the complicated racial history of the United States,\u00a0it is not a book that trumpets a so-called “post-racial” era.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Sharfstein\u00a0does an excellent job shattering the notion\u00a0of racial difference and shows us that the African American experience is integral to the American experience as a whole.\u00a0 Yet in doing so, he does not\u2014and perhaps he should not\u2014suggest that not only is the notion of\u00a0 “difference” a fallacy, but the notion of “race” is too.\u00a0\u00a0After all, shouldn’t the Gibsons, Spencers, Walls and their descendents transcend race at this point in time?\u00a0 Race\u2014or as Rainier Spencer suggests\u2014the belief\u00a0in race, has been, and still is such a potent force in American life, it may\u00a0take three more centuries to dispense with it.\u00a0For all of the current discourses on a\u00a0utopian future filled with mixed or blended identities, these identities are still\u00a0defined within same outdated and hierarchical social topology\u00a0of the past 400 years.\u00a0 Thus the consequences of\u00a0the\u00a0memberships within this multi-tiered\u00a0topology still has the life altering outcomes\u2014though not as extreme\u2014as in the\u00a0seventeenth century Virginia that\u00a0Sharfstein describes.\u00a0 Without a drastic altering or the elimination of this topology, individuals and families who can, will continue to make the journey from a lower tiered racialized status to a higher one and heap misery and scorn upon\u00a0those who cannot.\u00a0 In the end, Daniel J. Sharfstein’s Invisible Line<\/em>,\u00a0may not only be a window to the past, but also\u00a0a glance at\u00a0the future.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Daniel J. Sharfstein. The Invisible Line: Three American Families and the Secret Journey from Black to White. New York: Penguin Press, 2011. 415 pp. Hardcover ISBN: 9781594202827. Steven F. Riley 2011-02-28 \u201cThis is the decade of Tiger Woods and Barack Obama, where we talked about race combinations,\u201d Robert Groves, director of the federal agency, said […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12,5,459,1467,8,9139,6462,6940,20],"tags":[2766,2767,2727,2729,2728],"class_list":["post-12091","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-articles","category-book-reviews","category-history","category-law","category-media-archive","category-pov","category-passing-2","category-slavery","category-usa","tag-daniel-j-sharfstein","tag-daniel-sharfstein","tag-steve-riley","tag-steven-f-riley","tag-steven-riley"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12091","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=12091"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12091\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":42697,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12091\/revisions\/42697"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=12091"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=12091"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=12091"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}