{"id":23084,"date":"2012-05-13T20:13:47","date_gmt":"2012-05-13T20:13:47","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.mixedracestudies.org\/wordpress\/?p=23084"},"modified":"2014-03-03T15:59:45","modified_gmt":"2014-03-03T15:59:45","slug":"the-politics-of-loving-blackness-in-the-uk","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/?p=23084","title":{"rendered":"The Politics of Loving Blackness in the UK"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><em><a href=\"http:\/\/etheses.bham.ac.uk\/1508\/\" target=\"_blank\">The Politics of Loving Blackness in the UK<\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>University of Birmingham<br \/>\nMarch 2010<br \/>\n336 pages<\/p>\n<p><strong>Lisa Amanda Palmer<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Department of American and Canadian Studies)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Can \u2018loving blackness\u2019 become a new discourse for anti-racism in the UK and the broader black diaspora? This thesis will critically assess the concept of \u2018loving blackness as political resistance\u2019 as outlined by the African American feminist <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Bell_hooks\" target=\"_blank\">bell hooks<\/a> (1992). The thesis will show the ways in which blackness has been both negated and denigrated in western cultures and thus constructed in opposition to notions of love and humanness. Conversely, love and blackness are also rehabilitated in different ways by Black diasporic populations in Britain through the transnational space. The transnational space can provide opportunities for constructing, networks of care, love and anti racist strategies that affirm the value of blackness and Black life. However, the transnational space can also be fraught with risks, dangers and exclusions providing Black and migrant populations with uneven forms of citizenship and belonging to western neo-liberal states. Loving blackness within a transnational context can help to create a dynamic space to affirm blackness against racial exclusions and dominations whilst providing a lens to suggest alternative ways of being human.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Table of Contents<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Introduction: The Politics of Loving Blackness in the UK<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Background<\/li>\n<li>Black feminist methodologies and personal narratives<\/li>\n<li>The transnational space and personal narrative as a methodological reflection<\/li>\n<li>Love and Black feminism<\/li>\n<li>Love as a means for social change<\/li>\n<li>Thesis outline<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter one: Racism and the denigration of blackness<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>Loving dialogue and the affirmation of Black humanity<\/li>\n<li>The politics of love and blackness<\/li>\n<li>Is loving blackness possible in a white supremacist context?<\/li>\n<li>Blackness as a discursive location<\/li>\n<li>\u2018Race,\u2019 racism and pseudo science<\/li>\n<li>Whiteness lost \u2013 the \u2018origins\u2019 of blackness in sixteenth century England<\/li>\n<li>Plantocracy racism and slavery<\/li>\n<li>Early black presence in England<\/li>\n<li>Pathological configurations of blackness in the Western environment<\/li>\n<li>Internalised narratives of racism<\/li>\n<li>Blackness falling out of love with Britishness<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter two: A love that binds the nation: race memory and the politics of Forgetting<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>Navigating race and blackness in Obama\u2019s \u2018post-racial\u2019 America<\/li>\n<li>Forgetting racial horrors and imperial terror<\/li>\n<li>\u2018The white, white West\u2019 \u2013 white hegemony and social amnesia<\/li>\n<li>\u2018The forgetting machine\u2019<\/li>\n<li>De-colonial fantasies within liberal democracies<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter three: \u2018We don\u2019t want the hate mongers\u2019: Multicultural love and anti-colonial politics in the making of Black Britain<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>Are we all British now? Love and the multicultural nation<\/li>\n<li>\u2018Tea drinking, hokey cokey\u2019 and other projections of monocultural Britain<\/li>\n<li>Multicultural blackness in Britain<\/li>\n<li>Post-colonial paradigm of blackness in Britain<\/li>\n<li>The dialogic paradigm of blackness in Britain<\/li>\n<li>Symbols and memory in the making of \u2018Black Britain\u2019<\/li>\n<li>Windrush<\/li>\n<li>Why Manchester 1945?<\/li>\n<li>Before \u2018Black Britain\u2019<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter four: Diminishing Blackness: Transnational Blackness Beyond the \u2018Black British\u2019 paradigm<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>Mixed futures\/mixed histories<\/li>\n<li>\u2018Absorbing\u2019 blackness<\/li>\n<li>Invasion and the Black presence in Britain<\/li>\n<li>The \u2018mongrel nation\u2019<\/li>\n<li>Keeping racism in the mix<\/li>\n<li>Disappearing blackness<\/li>\n<li>Blanqueamianto \u2013 \u2018The gradual whitening of blackness\u2019<\/li>\n<li>Troubling terms of race<\/li>\n<li>Reframing Black Liverpool and that moment of optimism<\/li>\n<li>Transnational blackness and Liverpool<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter five: Slipping and Shifting: The changing parameters of Blackness in Britain<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>\u2018It\u2019s Grimey\u2019 \u2013 Black Popular Culture in Britain<\/li>\n<li>Black Boys and Eski Beats<\/li>\n<li>New migration and new racisms<\/li>\n<li>No more saris, no more steel bands, no more samosas<\/li>\n<li>\u2018The deportation machine\u2019<\/li>\n<li>\u2018Ethnic\u2019 hierarchies and the new blackness in Britain<\/li>\n<li>Racial excesses of white privilege<\/li>\n<li>Constant Contestation<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion &#8211; Loving blackness within a transnational context<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter six: The Cultural Politics of Loving Blackness<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>\u2018Loving Justice\u2019 &#8211; Malcolm and Martin<\/li>\n<li>Cornel West and the nihilistic threat to Black America<\/li>\n<li>Neoliberal nihilism, Katrina and the (in)visible Black American underclass<\/li>\n<li>Nihilism and the Katrina catastrophe<\/li>\n<li>hooks and \u2018loving blackness\u2019<\/li>\n<li>Loving Native Indianess<\/li>\n<li>Love and philosophy<\/li>\n<li>Spirituality and politics<\/li>\n<li>Caribbean transnational bonds of kinship and loving blackness<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Chapter seven: \u2018Ladies a you\u2019re time now\u2019 Erotic Politics, Lovers\u2019 rock And Resistance in Britain<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduction<\/li>\n<li>Black sexuality and erotic corruptions<\/li>\n<li>Historical legacies<\/li>\n<li>Lovers\u2019 rock and its transnational emergence in Britain<\/li>\n<li>A femminised sanctuary<\/li>\n<li>Blocking Jah vibes<\/li>\n<li>Conscious lovers\u2019<\/li>\n<li>Love as a discourse for liberation<\/li>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li><strong>Conclusion<\/strong>\n<ul>\n<li>Conclusion<\/li>\n<li>Future research \u2013 \u2018Black Europe\u2019<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<li>Bibliography<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote><p><strong>&#8230;Chapter 4: DIMINISHING BLACKNESS: Transnational Blackness beyond the \u2018Black British\u2019 paradigm<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>There are a number of reasons why the nomenclature \u2018Black British\u2019 has remained a tenuous and contested political location for Black populations in Britain. In this chapter I will explore why our contemporary transnational situation destabilises this notion further. I am suggesting that the continuing disavowal of blackness and racism specifically in media discourses and amongst wider political and social fields in Britain continues to undermine what I will call the \u2018optimistic moment of Black Britishness.\u2019 That moment occurred between the mid 1980s and early 1990s where a \u2018veritable renaissance\u2019 of \u2018Black British\u2019 cultural representation had created a new form of Black visibility in Britain and beyond (Mercer 1994). This new visibility came into existence through the representation and cultural production of Black British film, visual arts, poetry, literature, music and television as well as through the academic writing of Black British scholars during this period such as Kobena Mercer (1994), Paul Gilroy (1987;1993) and Stuart Hall (Dent 1992; Owusu 2000). At the height of this moment, Stuart Hall (1992) suggested that \u2018blacks in the British diaspora must, at this historical moment, refuse the binary of Black or British\u2019 (Hall 1992, p.29). For Hall the \u2018<em>or\u2019 <\/em>represented a site of \u2018<em>constant contestation<\/em>.\u2019 In his view the aim of the struggle was for \u2018a new kind of cultural positionality, a different logic of difference\u2019 which he argues was encapsulated by the cultural historian Paul Gilroy. According to Hall, Black people in Britain should replace the \u2018<em>or\u2019<\/em> with \u2018<em>and\u2019<\/em>, thus refusing the essentialising binary of Black <em>or<\/em> British. Instead the preferred \u2018<em>and<\/em>\u2019 could help us to realise the potentiality or possibility of this hybrid location (Hall 1992). For Hall the logic of coupling rather than binary opposition meant that,<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>You can be Black <em>and<\/em> British, not only because that is a necessary position to take in 1992, but because even those two terms, joined now by the coupler \u2018and\u2019 instead of opposed to one another, do not exhaust all of our identities. Only some of our identities are sometimes caught in that particular struggle (Hall 1992, p.29).<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>However, after nearly two decades since Hall\u2019s discourse on being both Black <em>and<\/em> British, has the optimism of this moment gone? Has the expectant \u2018<em>and<\/em>\u2019 deployed by Hall to heal this \u2018constant contestation\u2019 delivered the desired end to the entangled struggle of being Black British? I will attempt to answer these questions more specifically in this chapter in relation to the predicted \u2018mixed race\u2019 future and \u2018mixed race\u2019 histories of Britain and the changing transnational formation of blackness in contemporary British life. I will approach this analysis through the lens of a less than remarkable documentary text, <em>The Great British Black Invasion <\/em>which charts the changing face of Black Britain in the 21st centaury. I will explain that this documentary works as a micro representational text to the larger continuing omission of specific forms of regional blackness found in Britain in cities such as Liverpool, a city with one of the longest settled Black populations in the UK (Brown 2006). I will further discuss the political implication of <em>Invasion\u2019s<\/em> discourse on racialised absorption blackness and \u2018diminishing blackness\u2019 as well the configuration of blackness as a transnational cultural and political framework.<strong> \u2018Mixing\u2019 and \u2018absorption\u2019 are terms that describe the faux embrace of racial intermixture. And at the same time these terms actually, and somewhat paradoxically, also work to reinforce deeply racist ideas about British racial \u2018purity.\u2019<\/strong> I will conclude by suggesting that the transnational space for Black communities in Britain defined as \u2018mixed race\u2019 or otherwise remains a critical yet complex location to build alternative concepts of blackness. Through the dynamic utilisation of diasporic resources, transnational notions of blackness can act as revolutionary interventions \u2018that undermine the practice of domination\u2019 (hooks 1992, p.20) helping marginalised human beings to recover their human worth.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Mixed futures\/mixed histories<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Within the UK, the \u2018racial\u2019 forecast for African Caribbean populations suggests that this particular ethnic group will eventually decline as a distinct ethnic category from Britain\u2019s multicultural map (Platt 2008). According to the report, <em><a href=\"http:\/\/www.mixedracestudies.org\/?p=730\" target=\"_blank\">Ethnicity and Family- Relationships within and between ethnic groups: An analysis using the Labour Force Survey<\/a><\/em> (Platt 2008), Britain is facing a \u2018mixed race\u2019 future:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>At the other end of the spectrum, Black Caribbean men and women were the most likely of any group to be in an inter-ethnic partnership (48 per cent of men and 34 percent of women in couples were in an inter-ethnic partnership); and this increased between first and second (or subsequent) generations and between older and younger men and women. Rates were also higher among couples with children. For 55 per cent of Caribbean men living with a partner and children under 16, and 40 per cent of Caribbean women, that partner was from a different ethnic group. It therefore appears a trend that is set to continue and that will result in an increasing number of people with diverse identities of which Caribbean heritage forms a part. It also means that those who define themselves as singularly Caribbean are likely to decline over time, as increasingly complex heritages emerge among those with some element of Caribbean descent (Platt 2008, p.7).<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>For many yeas now, it has been suggested that the fastest growing population in the UK will be of \u2018mixed origins.\u2019 For example, in the early 1990s, it was reported that around 53 per cent of African Caribbean men age 16-24 and 36 percent of Caribbean women of the same age were married or cohabiting with white partners (Modood et al., 1997). In our increasingly globalised societies, where diverse mobile populations move around the globe for temporary or permanent settlement, patterns of sexual interaction across racialised, national, religious and linguistic borders are set to continue (Bhattacharyya, et al. 2002). <strong>However, it is worth pointing out that the practice of \u2018race mixture\u2019 is not new to British soil. The long historical presence of Black populations in Britain, in particular African, Caribbean and Asian populations has been documented in the social histories that trace the Black presence in Britain back to the Roman era (Fryer 1984, Walvin 1994, Christian 1998, Ramdin 1987).<\/strong> Since the rise of the British Empire, the continuity of this presence has been directly linked to transatlantic slavery and the expansion of British imperial and colonial endeavours (Fryer 1984, Ramdin 1987). Metropolitan cities such as London, Cardiff, Liverpool and Bristol were some of the major British seaports involved in the transatlantic slave trade. It was at these ports that many Africans enslaved and in servitude first glimpsed British soil and began to make an impact upon local white populations (Christian 1998). During the nineteenth century, amongst the Black settler communities and visitors that emerged within the major British slaving ports, the practice of interracial marriage became widespread between Black males and white females (Fryer 1984, Christian 1998). The most common explanation for intermarriage suggests that on the whole the Black population during this period (numbering approximately 10,000 in total) had largely consisted of young African males who heavily out numbered the presence of African women (Fryer 1984, p.235). The practice of interracial marriages and the integration of African men into to larger white populations became a common practice amongst earlier noted individual Black settlers to Britain such as <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Olaudah_Equiano\" target=\"_blank\">Olaudah Equiano<\/a>, <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Ukawsaw_Gronniosaw\" target=\"_blank\">Ukawsaw Gronniosaw<\/a> and others who came before them (Fryer 1984). Early Black radical figures to emerge onto the British scene were of \u2018mixed origins.\u2019 Personalities such as <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/William_Davidson_(conspirator)\" target=\"_blank\">William Davidson<\/a> one of the infamous Cato Street conspirators who attempted to blow up the entire Cabinet of the British Government in 1820 alongside <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Robert_Wedderburn_(radical)\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Wedderburn<\/a> a working class hero who advocated press freedom in Britain whilst proclaiming that slaves had the right to kill their masters, <strong>both had fathers from Scotland and Black mothers from Jamaica (Fryer 1984).<\/strong> The Jamaican nurse and healer <a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Mary_Seacole\" target=\"_blank\">Mary Seacole<\/a> the celebrated heroine of the Crimean War (1853-1856) who risked her life to nurse wounded and dying soldiers in the British Army also shared a \u2018mixed\u2019 Jamaican and Scottish ancestry (Fryer 1984). In the early twentieth century, in port cities such as Liverpool, Black male settlers to the city whether as students, seamen or factory workers inevitably formed intimate interracial relationships and families with local white women (Christian 1998). What I am referencing here is that the idea of a \u2018mixed race\u2019 future in Britain is neither novel nor without historical continuity. Indeed we cannot consider the possibility and implications of mixed futures without considering the living contextual legacy of mixed heritage communities in Britain. Thus as Peter Fryer (1984) had noted in response to the question as to what actually happened to Britain\u2019s earlier nineteenth century Black populations, it would appear that the decedents of \u2018interracial\u2019 couplings no longer thought of themselves as constituting a distinct Black community and over time became part of the British poor (Fryer 1984, p.235). <strong>As such it would be reasonable to suggest that a significant number of \u2018white\u2019 families in Britain share a hidden history of Black ancestry.<\/strong> As Fryer explains,<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>The records of their lives are obscure and scattered, and they have for the most part been forgotten by their descendents. But there must be many thousands of British families who, if they traced their roots back to the eighteenth or early nineteenth century, would find among their ancestors an African or person of African descent (Fryer 1984, p.235).<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Increased awareness of the historical continuity of early Black settlers would enable twenty first century Black populations in Britain to form more complex discursive engagements with the notion of blackness and its emergence within the British Isles. Furthermore, a more complex rendering of the pre-twentieth century Black experience in Britain would further contribute to debunking the implausible myth of a racially sealed pure white Anglo Saxon race as synonymous with being British&#8230;<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Read the entire dissertation <a href=\"http:\/\/etheses.bham.ac.uk\/1508\/1\/Palmer11PhD.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">here<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Politics of Loving Blackness in the UK University of Birmingham March 2010 336 pages Lisa Amanda Palmer A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Department of American and Canadian Studies) Can \u2018loving blackness\u2019 become a new discourse for anti-racism in the UK and the broader black [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[838,8,394,10],"tags":[10726,10725,10727,10728],"class_list":["post-23084","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-dissertations","category-media-archive","category-socialscience","category-uk","tag-lisa-a-palmer","tag-lisa-amanda-palmer","tag-lisa-palmer","tag-university-of-birmingham"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23084","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=23084"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23084\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=23084"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=23084"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mixedracestudies.org\/wp\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=23084"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}