Mixed Race Studies

A Beautiful Lie: Exploring Rhinelander v. Rhinelander as a Formative Lesson on Race, Marriage, Identity, and Family

California Law Review
Volume 95, Issue 6 (2007)
pages 2393-2458

Angela Onwuachi-Willig, Professor of Law and Charles M. and Marion J. Kierscht Scholar
University of Iowa College of Law

During the mid-1920s, the story of the courtship, marriage, and separation of Alice Beatrice Jones and Leonard Kip Rhinelander astounded the American public, especially the citizens of New York and black Americans across the country.  Alice, a chambermaid and the racially mixed daughter of English immigrants who had worked as servants on a large estate in Bradford, England, had committed the social faux pas of falling in love with and marrying Leonard Kip Rhinelander, the son of a white multi-millionaire who descended from the French Huguenots.  Or rather, as certain arguments from Leonard’s trial attorney Isaac Mills and later the jury’s verdict would together suggest, Leonard had committed a social offense by “knowingly” loving and marrying Alice, a colored woman.

Scandal arose about the marriage of Alice and Leonard when a story with the title “Rhinelanders’ Son Marries Daughter of a Colored Man” ran in the Standard Star of New Rochelle on November 13, 1924.  Two weeks later, on November 26, 1924, Leonard filed for an annulment of his marriage to Alice. In his Complaint, Leonard alleged that Alice had misrepresented her race to him by improperly leading him to believe that she was white, “not colored,” before their nuptials. New York law did not ban interracial marriages between Blacks and Whites at the time; thus, Alice and Leonard’s marriage was not automatically void.  In the state of New York, the law did not identify interracial marriages as so odious to public policy that they were legally impossible; however, fraud as to a spouse’s race before marriage signaled that there had been no meeting of the minds between husband and wife. Given the importance of racial classifications and their corresponding status in society, New York courts readily accepted knowledge about a spouse’s race to be a factor so crucial to the understanding of the marital contract that fraud about it rendered the marriage voidable and thus eligible to be annulled from its start.  In other words, the primary basis for recognizing knowledge of a spouse’s race as a material fact that went to the essence of marriage, a requirement for annulling voidable marriages based on fraud after consummation, was racial prejudice and social opprobrium of intermixing. Additionally, although New York had not followed many southern states in adopting the “one drop rule,” many Whites in New York agreed that any taint of colored blood removed a person from the class of white citizens. In essence, because of long-held beliefs about racial genetics and community expectations about social barriers of race in 1920s New York, knowledge of a spouse’s race was considered to be as central to marriage as the ability to consummate it.  Thus, no question was ever raised about whether Leonard’s alleged basis for annulment, racial fraud, could legitimately serve as a reason for legally declaring his marriage to Alice to be void…

Read the entire article here.

Is Parental Love Colorblind? Allocation of Resources within Mixed-Race Families (Preliminary Version)

Prepared for the Labor and Population Workshop,
Department of Economics, Yale University
May, 2007
53 pages

Marcos A. Rangel, Assistant Professor
Harris School of Public Policy Studies
University of Chicago

Recent studies have shown that differences in wage-determinant skills between blacks and whites are likely to emerge during a child’s infancy. These findings highlight the role of parental investment decisions and suggest that differences in labor income tend to persist across generations, either because minority parents are limited in their choices, or because they have relatively negative expectations regarding the rewards attached to investments in skills. Exploring the genetics of skin-color determination and the widespread incidence of mixed-race families in Brazil, I present evidence that, controlling for observed and unobserved parental characteristics, light-skinned children are more likely to receive investments in formal education than their dark-skinned siblings. Even though not denying the importance of borrowing constraints (or other ancestry effects), this suggests that parental expectations regarding differences in the return to human capital investments may play an independent role on the persistence of earnings differentials.

Read the entire working paper here or here.

Mixed Ancestry Racial/Ethnic Identity Development (MAREID) Model

Wellesley Centers for Women
2003

Peony Fhagen-Smith, Assistant Professor of Psychology
Wheaton College, Norton Massachusetts

To date no theoretical work on racial/ethnic identity development adequately provides a framework for explaining current empirical findings concerning racial/ethnic identification among mixed ancestry youth. This paper reviews current research on the mixed ancestry experience and proposes a mixed ancestry racial/ethnic identity development model that incorporates Rockquemore and Brunsma’s (2002) work on mixed ancestry identity types, Cross and Fhagen-Smith’s (1996, 2001) life-span model of Black identity development, Cross’s (1991) Nigrescence theory, Phinney’s (1989) Ethnic Identity Development Model and Erikson’s (1968) and Marcia’s (1980) work on ego identity development. The proposed model considers contextual influences, fluidity in racial/ethnic identification, and developmental changes over time for three developmental age periods, preadolescence, adolescence, and young adulthood.

Read the preview here.

Complexities in Researching Mixed Ancestry Adolescents: A Preliminary Study

Wellesley Centers for Women
2004

Michelle Porche

Peony Fhagen-Smith, Assistant Professor of Psychology
Wheaton College, Norton Massachusetts

Jo H. Kim

Heidie A. Vázquez García

Allison J. Tracy

Sumru Erkut

Contemporary events, such as the change in the 2000 U.S. Census, highlight the need for a better understanding of political, social, and psychological ramifications of mixed-ancestry identity. To be able to monitor and serve the needs of mixed-ancestry youth, we need to be able to identify who is and is not a mixed-ancestry individual. Subsequently, we need to examine particular risk and protective factors relevant to mixed-ancestry youth. In this paper we review some of the recent literature on mixed-ancestry adolescents’ social adjustment and the assessment of mixed ancestry and present theories of mixed-ancestry identity formation. We then present the results of a preliminary qualitative study of mixed-ancestry college students that illustrate some of the empirical findings and theoretical suppositions.

Preview the publication here.

Genealogy as Social Memory: Making the Public Personal

The 7th Annual Committee on Historical Studies, Sociology Department and International Labor Working Class History Journal Joint Conference
History Matters: Spaces of Violences, Spaces of Memory
New School for Social Research
2004-04-23 through 2004-04-24

Karla Hackstaff, Associate Professor of Sociology
Northern Arizona University

“Race, like nature and sex, is replete with all the rituals of guilt and innocence in the stories of nation, family, and species. Race, like nature, is about roots, pollution, and origins. An inherently dubious notion, race, like sex, is about the purity of lineage; the legitimacy of passage; and the drama of inheritance of bodies, property, and stories”
(Haraway 1995, p. 213).

In May 2002, the Thomas Jefferson Foundation which runs Monticello and is comprised of the descendants of Thomas and Martha Jefferson voted to deny membership and associated burial rights to the descendants of Sally Hemings—a slave who appears to have had children by Thomas Jefferson (San Francisco Chronicle, May 12, 2002, p. D4).  This decision was somewhat surprising because in 1998 genetic tests appeared to confirm what Hemings’ relatives had claimed through oral history for years—that at least one, if not all, of Sally Hemings’ children had descended from Thomas Jefferson. Still, the white descendants concluded that the historical and scientific evidence was “insufficient.”…

…First, within sociology there is a large and growing literature on the formation of racial/ethnic identities, relations, and the accompanying constructions of inequalities (e.g. Azoulay 1997; Brah and Coombes 2000; Collins 2000; DaCosta 2000; Haraway 1995; Nagel 1994; Omi and Winant 1994; Pedraza and Rumbaut 1996; Song 2001; Waters 1990; Worchel 1999). Given that race, ethnicity, and nationality organize many genealogical associations, clearly, race and ethnicity are constructed in the process of doing genealogy. Although ‘race’ as a biological construction has been widely rejected, it is no less real for being a social construction. As many scholars have shown, racialethnic constructions must be sustained, and are neither invariant nor universal.  Ethnoracial identities are sustained through various practices, policies, and institutions—including families.  Because interracial relations have been taboo, we still assume and to a large degree produce families that appear monoracial (DaCosta 2000). Intermarriage has grown substantially in recent decades—there were ten times as many couples categorized as interracial in 1990 as had been the case in 1960; still, in 1990 interracial marriages were just three percent of all marriages in the United Stated (DaCosta 2000, p. 9-10). By 2000, six percent of marriage households were interracial (Simmons and O’Connell 2003).  The practices of adoption agencies and sperm banks often, if not always, produce monoracial families as well. In short, ethnoracial identities continue to be crucial to family constructions…

Read the entire paper here.

The Plight of Mixed Race Adolescents

First Draft: August 2005
This Version: July 2008

Roland G. Fryer, Jr., Professor of Economics
Harvard University and NBER

Lisa Kahn, Assistant Professor of Economics
Yale School of Management

Steven D. Levitt, William B. Ogden Distinguished Service Professor of Economics
University of Chicago and American Bar Foundation

Jörg L. Spenkuch
University of Chicago

Over the past 40 years the fraction of mixed race black-white births has increased nearly nine-fold. There is little empirical evidence on how these children fare relative to their single race counterparts. This paper describes basic facts about the plight of mixed race individuals during their adolescence and early adulthood. As one might expect, on a host of background and achievement characteristics, mixed race adolescents fall in between whites and blacks. When it comes to engaging in risky/anti-social adolescent behavior, however, mixed race adolescents are stark outliers compared to both blacks and whites. We argue that these behavioral patterns are most consistent with the “marginal man” hypothesis, which we formalize as a two-sector Roy model. Mixed race adolescents—not having a natural peer group—need to engage in more risky behaviors to be accepted. All other models we considered can explain neither why mixed race adolescents are outliers on risky behaviors nor why these behaviors are not strongly influenced by the racial composition at their school.

Read the entire paper here.

Racial Boundary Formation at the Dawn of Jim Crow: The Determinants and Effects of Black/Mulatto Occupational Differences in the United States, 1880

Department Colloquium Series
University of Washington, Department of Sociology
Savery Hall
2009-10-06 15:30 PDT (Local Time)

Aaron Gullickson, Assistant Professor
University of Oregon

Much of the literature within sociology regarding mixed-race populations focuses on contemporary issues and dynamics, often overlooking a larger historical literature. This paper provides a historical perspective on these issues by exploiting regional variation in the United States in the degree of occupational differentiation between blacks and mulattoes in the 1880 Census, during a transitionary period from slavery to freedom. The analysis reveals that the role of the mixed-race category as either a “buffer class” or a status threat depended upon the class composition of the white population. Black/mulatto occupational differentiation was greatest in areas where whites had a high level of occupational prestige and thus little to fear from an elevated mulatto group. Furthermore, the effect of black/mulatto occupational differentiation on lynching varied by the occupational status of whites. In areas where whites were of relatively low status, black/mulatto differentiation increased the risk of lynching, while in areas where whites were of relatively high status, black/mulatto differentiation decreased the risk of lynching.

From Jamestown 1607 to 2007, the American Mosaic: A Multicultural Society

National Association of Independent Schools (NAIS)
People of Color Conference 2006

Christine Madsen
Rocky Mount Academy (North Carolina)

Some of the original settlers in colonial Virginia formed self-sustaining mixed race communities. The history of these communities will be used as an entrance point to discuss the invention of racial identities as social constructs.

View the Powerpoint presentation here.

I’m not White but You Treat Me that way: The Role of Racial Ambiguity in Interracial Interactions

SPSP 2010
The Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology
2010-01-28 through 2010-01-30
Las Vegas, Nevada

Jessica D. Remedios
University of Toronto

Alison L. Chasteen
University of Toronto

Interracial interactions are complicated by concerns that both majority and minority group members hold. Although a large body of work has examined interactions between Whites and minorities, no research has examined the complications that racial ambiguity may introduce into these already anxiety-provoking situations. Unlike other minorities, people who belong to multiple racial groups (multiracial people) cannot always be categorized as members of a particular race. Furthermore, their physical ambiguity may have consequences for how they are perceived and how they perceive others. In two studies, we examined the role of racial ambiguity in individuals’ expectations for an upcoming interracial interaction. Participants in Study 1 were led to believe that they would interact with a White, Black, or multiracial individual. The results revealed that participants expecting to meet a Black partner rated him more positively and anticipated a more positive interaction than those expecting to meet a White or multiracial partner. In Study 2, multiracial, monoracial non-White and White participants expected to interact with a White person during the study. Multiracial participants expressed the greatest concern that others would be confused by their appearance; the more concern they expressed, the more negative emotions they experienced. Taken together, these findings suggest that although multiracial people express concerns about how others perceive them, monoracial people ignore these concerns and expect to treat multiracial people in the same way that they would treat White people. The results also imply that monoracial people may not accommodate the worries that multiracial people hold about interracial interactions.

Different prejudices toward different types of interracial couples: Examining alternative explanations

SPSP 2010
The Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology
2010-01-28 through 2010-01-30
Las Vegas, Nevada

Stephen A. Mistler
Arizona State University

Angela G. Pirlott
Arizona State University

Steven L. Neuberg
Arizona State University

Between 1992 and 2000, the prevalence of interracial marriage in the United States more than doubled, increasing from 2.2% to 4.9%. How do people feel about such relationships, and what accounts for these feelings? Undergraduate students rated relationships of Asian, Black, and White men with Asian, Black, and White women; each participant answered the same questions for all nine possible heterosexual pairings of the above groups, as well as items designed to assess, for each race-gender type (e.g., Asian female), beliefs about their long-term mate value, short-term mate value, and scarcity as potential mates. Given issues of sample size, we report only findings from White participants. In general, White participants expressed more prejudice against interracial couples than same-race couples, even for couplings not involving members of their own race. This apparently simple bias, however, masks a more complex psychology based on interactions of specific race-gender pairings with perceiver gender. As one example, White participants were less accepting of White women with minority men than of White men with minority women, and reacted particularly negatively to the pairing of White women with Black men than to the pairing of White women with Asian men; these patterns of antipathy were especially strong for White male participants. We assess the broader range of findings in light of frameworks suggesting that negative reactions toward interracial couples arise from concerns with “race-mixing,” from concerns about potential lost resources for one’s group, and from assessments of valuable reproductive opportunities potentially gained and lost.