Mixed Race Studies

Scholarly perspectives on the mixed race experience.

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  • The Third Musketeer

    The Third Musketeer

    The New York Times
    2012-09-14
     
    Leo Damrosch, Ernest Bernbaum Professor of Literature, Emeritus
    Harvard University

    The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal,and the Real Count of Monte Cristo. By Tom Reiss, 432 pp. Crown Publishers. Hardback ISBN: 978-0-307-38246-7.

    In the 1790s, the son of an aristocratic white father and a black slave woman became a charismatic French general who for a time rivaled Napoleon himself, and afterward languished in an Italian dungeon. His story inspired the novel “The Count of Monte Cristo,” written by his son, Alexandre Dumas, who also drew upon his father’s adventures in “The Three Musketeers.” Posterity remembers this son as Dumas père, to distinguish him from Alexandre Dumas fils, also a writer, whose novel “La Dame aux Camélias” was the source for Verdi’s “La Traviata.” But the general was the first of the three Alexandres (he preferred to be known as Alex), and in “The Black Count,” Tom ­Reiss, the author of “The Orientalist,” has recovered this fascinating story with a richly imaginative biography.

    Despite Reiss’s extensive research, the count remains a somewhat remote figure, since his contemporaries usually described him in conventional superlatives. The chief source of information is a highly romanticized memoir by his son, who was not yet 4 when he died, and who idealized him, in Reiss’s words, as “the purest, noblest man who ever lived.” Still, such language seems deserved. General Dumas was majestically tall (“his proportions were those of a Greek hero”), a crack swordsman and horseman (“looking like a centaur”), utterly fearless, generous to subordinates and a loving husband and father. He was also exceptionally good-looking, though the portraits that survive are less spectacular than the majestic Adonis depicted in the book’s cover illustration.

    Dumas was born in 1762 at the western end of Saint-Domingue, the colony that is now Haiti. Remarkably, the French Empire guaranteed protection and opportunities to people of mixed race, and when the boy’s father brought him to France at the age of 14 he was able to receive a first-rate education and later to join the army. He never cared much for his feckless father, however, and took the name Dumas from his slave mother, about whom very little is known…

    Read the entire review here.

  • Lawsuit Challenging Obama’s Qualifications Is Tossed Out In Federal Court

    Lawsuit Challenging Obama’s Qualifications Is Tossed Out In Federal Court

    AlaskaPublic.org
    2012-09-12

    Matt Miller, KTOO – Juneau

    An Alaska-based federal judge has thrown out a lawsuit challenging President Barack Obama’s qualifications to appear as a candidate on the November general election ballot.

    Gordon Warren Epperly of Juneau claims that Obama does not have the political right to hold federal office because he’s of mixed race. Epperly filed an objection with the state Division of Elections in April and sued in state Superior Court in July…

    …The case was moved to U.S. District Court where Judge Timothy Burgess on August 24th dismissed the lawsuit ‘with prejudice.’ That means it can never be brought up again…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Elections division turns aside Obama nomination challenge

    Elections division turns aside Obama nomination challenge

    KTOO News: Public Radio at 104.3
    Juneau, Alaska
    2012-03-06

    Matt Miller

    The state Division of Elections has turned down a challenge of President Barack Obama’s qualifications to be on the election ballot in Alaska. The challenge was filed by a Juneau resident who says the Democratic candidate is not qualified to run for re-election because he’s of mixed race.

    It’s not a lawsuit filed in any court. Actually, it’s what’s called a nomination petition objection that was filed directly with the Division of Elections.

    Division director Gail Fenumiai referred the objection to election attorneys within the Department of Law for further review.

    “This is first time that we’ve received something like this,” says Fenumiai.

    Gordon Warren Epperly is a retired bus driver in Juneau. He challenges Barack Obama’s qualifications to be on the ballot during Alaska’s presidential primary and general election. He says that Orly Taitz and others who’ve challenged Obama’s qualifications of being a ‘natural born citizen’ because of an alleged birth outside of the country went at it all wrong. He says there is no real requirement for a candidate to produce a birth certificate.

    Epperly declined to talk on tape for this story. But in his filing he references the infamous Dred Scott decision which he says has never been overturned by the Supreme Court. He says Negros or Mulattos (he pronounces it mull-EYE-ttos) were not eligible to be citizens until the Fourteen Amendment was ratified in 1868. Even then, what Epperly calls ‘purported’ ratification of the amendment only allowed for civil rights, not political rights that allowed them and their descendants to hold federal office…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Personalizing Medicine: Beyond Race

    Personalizing Medicine: Beyond Race

    Virtual Mentor: American Medical Association Journal of Ethics
    Volume 14, Number 8 (August 2012)
    pages 628-634

    Timothy Chang, MD-PhD Student
    University of Wisconsin, Madison

    McNearney TA, Hunnicutt SE, Fischbach M, et al. Perceived functioning has ethnic-specific associations in systemic sclerosis: another dimension of personalized medicine. J Rheumatol. 2009;36(12):2724-2732.

    Considering the explosion in medical technology, from genomics and genetic biomarker testing to computerized imaging and detailed electronic medical records, personalized medicine may one day be common practice in our medical system. In “Perceived Functioning Has Ethnic-specific Associations in Systemic Sclerosis: Another Dimension of Personalized Medicine,” Terry McNearney et al. [1] found that “clinical, psychosocial, and immunogenetic variables had ethnic-specific associations with perceived functioning” in patients being treated for systemic sclerosis (SSc). The relationship of ethnicity both to the clinical, psychosocial, and immunogenetic variables and to perceived functioning raises ethical questions, especially if clinicians “personalize” treatment based on these findings.

    Systemic sclerosis (SSc) is an autoimmune disease characterized by fibrosis of the skin and internal organs, commonly preceded by autoantibody production and vasculopathy [3]. Although management of complications has improved, the median survival after diagnosis is 11 years [4]. Currently, SSc is incurable, and health-related quality-of-life (QOL) measures are important indicators of disease outcome [5-9].

    Conclusions from Study
     
    In this cross-sectional study, Caucasian, Hispanic, and African American patients with recent-onset SSc were assessed for perceived physical and mental functioning using validated surveys and a self-reported physical disability instrument. Perceived functioning scores were then tested for association with demographic, socioeconomic, clinical, immunogenetic, psychological, and behavioral variables. Among Caucasians, immunogenetics, fatigue severity, helplessness, and social support were associated with perceived functioning, while among African Americans and Hispanics, immunogenetics, autoantibodies, illness behavior, and helplessness were associated with perceived functioning. This study is the first to identify associations between perceived SSc functioning and ethnically specific genetic markers and autoantibodies…

    …Limitations…

    ..Using race and ethnicity to alert clinicians to greater likelihoods of certain health conditions became more controversial with the development of what was considered a race-specific drug. In 2005, the FDA approved isosorbide dinitrate/hydralazine (BiDil), a combination antihypertensive and vasodilator drug, specifically for African Americans. Major controversy ensued over whether a drug should be approved for use in a specific race since most drugs have long been tested on white subjects but not approved only for whites. Moreover, approval of BiDil for African Americans was not granted for biological or genetic reasons—the proposed differences in mechanism of nitric oxide uptake in African Americans were never tested…

    …Is race a biological concept? Until now, I have been talking as though race has biological meaning. There is clear evidence, however, that race is not a genetic concept , and some would argue that it has no biologic basis. Only 5-10 percent of genetic diversity is explained by one’s membership in a given “race”. In actuality there is as much or more genetic diversity within a racial group as there is between racial groups.

    Race is more a sociopolitical concept than a biologic one. The concepts of race and ethnicity were not developed for scientific use but are popular concepts, which, in the United States, were made official for census taking by the Office of Management and Budget Race and Ethnic Standards.

    Membership in race is defined differently across research studies, time, and geography. Most studies do not report how race information is obtained, e.g., self-identified or clinician determined, let alone standardize the process. The definition of race is also time- and geography-dependent. How “black” and “white,” for example, are defined in the United States has changed from the 1800s to the 1900s. Because race is identified by one’s parents at birth and can be assigned by the medical examiner at death, a person may be born “black” but die “white”. Geographically, a light-skinned person may be considered white in the Bahamas but black in the United States. Inconsistencies in the definitions of race make its usage problematic at best…

    Read the entire article in HTML or PDF format.

  • Obama Talks Race, Calls Himself a ‘Mixed Kid From Hawaii’

    Obama Talks Race, Calls Himself a ‘Mixed Kid From Hawaii’

    ColorLines: News for Action
    2012-09-13

    Jorge Rivas, Multimedia Editor / Pop Culture Blogger
    Los Angeles, California

    Lately it’s been a rare occurrence when President Obama talks race but at a campaign stop in Colorado Wednesday he mentioned it and even identified himself as mixed-raced.

    “Education was a gateway for opportunity for me, let’s face it, as a mixed kid from Hawaii born to a single-mom, it’s not likely to become President of the United States,” Obama told supporters at a campaign stop Golden, CO…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Interracial Brooklyn

    Interracial Brooklyn

    Brooklyn Historical Society
    Crossing Borders, Bridging Generations
    September 2012

    Michael J. Rosenfeld, Associate Professor of Sociology
    Stanford University

    Intermarriage has been rising in the United States steadily since about 1960. Before 1960 there were so few interracial marriages in the United States that Interraciality was really invisible. Prior to 1960, the idea of marrying someone from another race in the US was so unusual that social pressure, family pressure, and in some states the law made such marriages impossible.

    So what explains the rise in interracial marriage?

    One answer is that the law changed. In 1967, the US Supreme Court, in a brief but powerful and unanimous decision (Loving v. Virginia), struck down all the state laws that had made interracial marriage illegal. Overnight, Americans had the right to marry anyone from the opposite sex regardless of race. New York, however, was one of the states that had never had laws against interracial marriage. Take a look at this map of US states to see which states had laws against interracial marriage and when.

    In the above graph (click to enlarge), you can see that intermarriage had a similar rise in the US, in Brooklyn, and in New York, starting near zero, and peaking at between 5% and 7% of all marriages in 2010. The trajectory of interracial marriage was so similar in Brooklyn and in the US as a whole that the blue US line is hidden underneath the green Brooklyn line in parts of the graph above. Since interracial marriage was always legal in Brooklyn but often illegal in the rest of the US before 1967, something other than the law (which never changed in Brooklyn) must explain the rise of intermarriage.

    Even though interracial marriage has risen a great deal, Americans and Brooklynites still have a strong tendency to marry people from their own racial group…

    …What explains the rise of Intermarriage?

    • The US had a big immigration reform in 1965, which led to a sharp rise in immigration from Asia and Latin America. As the US population became more racially diverse, there was more opportunity for Americans to meet (and fall in love with) people from other races. Immigrant destinations like New York City tend to have more intermarriage as a result of having more racial diversity.
    • The age at first marriage has been steadily rising since the 1960s. Age at first marriage in the US is now 27 or 28 years of age. In the past, age of first marriage was typically about 21 years. The later age at first marriage means that young people are more likely to travel away from home before they marry. Travel away from home increases the chances of meeting (and falling in love with) someone who is different from you.
    • Attitudes have changed. Interracial marriage is not very controversial for people who were raised in the post- Civil Rights and post- Loving v. Virginia era. As interracial marriage has become more common and more visible, more Americans have gotten used to the idea that interracial couples are part of the panorama of American families. Opposition within families to intermarriage has declined, but has not disappeared…

    …In order to figure out how many interracial couples there are, one must first divide people into separate and mutually exclusive racial/ethnic categories. In dividing people into mutually exclusive racial/ethnic categories, one immediately confronts a series of definition problems that have no unique solution.

    The fact is that race exists in America only because we Americans believe in race and invest the categories with meaning…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Stir Builds Over Actress to Portray Nina Simone

    Stir Builds Over Actress to Portray Nina Simone

    The New York Times
    2012-09-12

    Tanzina Vega

    In the digital age Hollywood casting decisions leaked from behind closed doors can instantly become fodder for public debate. And when the decision involves race and celebrity, the debate can get very heated.

    The online media world has been abuzz with criticism for nearly a month now over the news — first reported by The Hollywood Reporter — that the actress Zoe Saldana would be cast as the singer Nina Simone in the forthcoming film “Nina” based on her life.

    Few have attacked Ms. Saldana for her virtues as an actress. Instead, much of the reaction has focused on whether Ms. Saldana was cast because she, unlike Simone, is light skinned and therefore a more palatable choice for the Hollywood film than a darker skinned actress.

    “Hollywood and the media have a tendency to whitewash and lightwash a lot of stories, particularly when black actresses are concerned,” said Tiffani Jones, the founder of the blog Coffee Rhetoric. Ms. Jones wrote a blog post titled “(Mis)Casting Call: The Erasure of Nina Simone’s Image.”…

    …Recently an online petition was circulated to protest the casting of the light-skinned actress Thandie Newton in the film based on Ngozi Adichie’s novel “Half of a Yellow Sun,” which centers on the Nigerian Civil War (1967-70); there was some criticism of the casting of the biracial Jaqueline Fleming as Harriet Tubman in the film “Abraham Lincoln: Vampire Hunter.”…

    …Casting an actress who does not look like Simone is troubling, said Yaba Blay, a scholar of African and diaspora studies and the author of a forthcoming book called “(1)ne Drop: Conversations on Skin Color, Race, and Identity.”

    “The power of her aesthetics was part of her power,” Dr. Blay said. “This was a woman who prevailed and triumphed despite her aesthetic.” Dark-skinned actresses, she added, are “already erased from the media, especially in the role of the ‘it girl’ or the love interest.”…

    Read the entire article here.

  • The Lure of Whiteness and the Politics of “Otherness”: Mexican American Racial Identity

    The Lure of Whiteness and the Politics of “Otherness”: Mexican American Racial Identity

    University of Texas, Austin
    2004
    185 pages

    Julie Anne Dowling

    Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the The University of Texas at Austin In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

    Using a “constructed ethnicity” (Nagel 1994) approach, this project employs multiple methods to explore the racial identification of Mexican Americans. The U.S. Census has grappled with appropriate strategies for identifying the Mexican-ancestry population for over a century, including the use of a “Mexican” racial category in 1930. I examine historical documents pertaining to the 1930 Census and the development of the “Mexican” racial classification, as well as how Mexican Americans in the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) constructed “White” racial identities in their efforts to resist such racialization. I then explore contemporary Mexican American identity as reflected in current racial self-reporting on the U.S. Census. Finally, I conduct fifty-two in-depth interviews with a strategic sample of Mexican Americans in five Texas cities, investigating how such factors as socioeconomic status, racial composition of neighborhood, proximity to the U.S.-Mexico border, social networks, nativity/migration history, Spanish language fluency, physical appearance, and political attitudes affect their racial and ethnic identifications. Results indicate a complex relationship between personal histories and local community constructions of identity that influences racial identification.

    Table of Contents

    • List of Tables
    • List of Figuresxii
    • Chapter 1: Latinos and the Question of Race
    • Chapter 2: Modernity and Texas Racial Politics in the Early Twentieth Century, LULAC and the Construction of the White Mexican
    • Chapter 3: The “Other” Race of Mexican Americans: Exploring Racial Identification in the 1990 and 2000 U.S. Censuses
    • Chapter 4: “Where’s Hispanic?” Mexican American Responses to the Census Race Question
    • Chapter 5: What We Call Ourselves Here: Mexican American Racial and Ethnic Labeling in Texas
    • Chapter 6: Just An(other) Shade of White? Making Meaning of Mexican American
    • Whiteness on the Census.
    • Appendix A: Census 1990 Race Question
    • Appendix B: Census 2000 Race Question
    • Bibliography
    • Vita

    Chapter 1: Latinos and the Question of Race

    Introduction

    The roots of this dissertation can be traced to a qualitative study I began as an undergraduate, interviewing persons of “biracial” mixed Mexican-Anglo heritage like myself. During the course of this research that became the basis for my master’s thesis, I discovered that according to the U.S. Census, Latinos are not a racial group. This did not fit my experience growing up in Texas where I found myself torn between two different worlds, one white and one brown.

    This disjuncture between government classification and self-identification, between federal definitions and regional definitions of race, is at the heart of my project. The goal of this dissertation is to explore the historical roots of the census classification of Mexican Americans as “White,” and to examine who rejects this classification, identifying as “Other” race. Are there significant differences between these groups? What factors play into how Mexican Americans label themselves? And what are the meanings of these labels?

    The most common “other race” response given on the racial identification question of the 1990 U.S. Census was a Hispanic identifier—Hispanic, Latino or a nationality such as Mexican, Puerto Rican, or Cuban (U.S. General Accounting Office 1993). While approximately 51% of Mexican Americans in the 1990 census identified as “White” on the racial identity question, an almost equal proportion (47%) identified as “Other.” In 2000, the numbers were similar with 48% of Mexican Americans identifying as “White” and 46% as “Other.” It is clear that a substantial number of Mexican Americans view themselves as a racial group outside of the current census classifications of White, Black, Native American, and Asian American…

    Read the entire dissertation here.

  • The United States Census in Its Relations to Sanitation

    The United States Census in Its Relations to Sanitation

    Public Health Paper Report
    Volume 15 (1889)
    pages 43-46

    John S. Billings, Surgeon, U.S.A. (1838-1913)

    I have several times inflicted upon this patient and long-suffering Association papers relating to statistical matters and methods, which, it must be confessed, were better fitted to serve for occasional reference than to occupy any of the scanty time available for listening at our annual meetings. To-day, however, I have a very short discourse on the same subject which I want you to listen to, because, if the suggestions in it have any value, some of them should be acted on before the paper will probably appear in the volume of our proceedings.

    Theoretically, we all agree that vital statistics are the foundation of public medicine, but, practically, I suppose that the majority of sanitarians and physicians think that they are not essential to the work of a health officer or board of health, although they may be desirable; that the main objects in sanitary work are to see that the water-supply is pure; that garbage and excreta are promptly removed or destroyed; that no filth is allowed to accumulate in the vicinity of habitations; that contagious diseases are controlled by isolation and disinfection; that plenty of fresh air be provided in schools, churches, etc.; and that all this can and should be done whether death-rates are known or not.

    This is not my own view, because my observation of the progress of public health work in this and other countries for the last twenty years leads me to believe that this progress, in any locality, for any considerable length of time, depends upon the completeness of its vital statistics and the use that is made of them; because upon such completeness and use depend mainly the amount and regularity of appropriations from state or municipal funds for the payment of the expenses needed to secure the objects of the health department. Occasionally it is possible to get up a cholera, or yellow-fever, or small-pox, or typhoid fever scare, and to then get a little money for sewerage, or for street and alley cleaning; but these spasmodic reforms do not last long, and in most cases do not amount to much. You have got to produce constant, undeniable evidence that the work is needed, and is useful, evidence that will convince the press and the majority of the community; and this evidence must be mainly death-rates, to which should be added all the sickness rates that can be obtained…

    …In investigating the details of the records of deaths kept in different cities, I have noted deficiencies in a few of them to which I wish to call the attention of all who have to do with the registration of vital statistics.

    First. All deaths occurring in hospitals should be charged to the ward or district of the city from which the patient was taken to hospital, when this can be ascertained. Otherwise the death-rate in the ward in which the hospital is located will be too high, and in the other districts it will be too low.

    Second. The birthplace of the parents of the decedent should be reported. We want to know the race of the decedent, whether he was Irish, German, Italian, or American, and to give merely his own birthplace is not sufficient.

    Third. It is very desirable that in all cases of deaths of colored persons it should be stated whether the decedent was black or of mixed blood, such as mulatto or quadroon.

    One of the most important questions in the vital and social statistics of this country relates to the fertility, longevity, and liability to certain diseases of those partly of negro and partly of white blood, and the only way to obtain data on this subject is through the registration of vital statistics.

    Under the provisions of the law providing for the census, the living colored population is to be enumerated with distinction as to whether each person is black, mulatto, quadroon, or octoroon; and we need the same distinctions for all colored persons dying during the census year, to enable us to calculate comparative death-rates. Wherever there is a fairly accurate registration of deaths, which now exists in several states and in over one hundred cities, the next census will afford the means of calculating death-rates with distinctions of color, sex, and age, which will furniish important indications for sanitary work. For all cities of io,ooo inhabitants and upward, it is proposed to collect as complete information as possible with regard to altitude, climate, water-supply, density of population, sewerage, proportion of sewered and non-sewered areas, and other points bearing on the healthfulness of the place, which will permit of interesting comparisons with the death-rates.

    Read the entire paper here.

  • Reflections of a Racial Queer

    Reflections of a Racial Queer

    Multicultural Perspectives
    Volume 12, Issue 2, 2010
    pages 107-112
    DOI: 10.1080/15210960.2010.481213

    Aurora Chang-Ross
    Beloit College, Beloit, Wisconsin

    In this article, I reflect on my personal experiences of racial queerness. In an effort to speak my secrets, I explore my identity production as a Multiracial person by critically examining my positionality throughout various key stages in my life. I present Multiracial microaggressions –those accumulated moments that underscore my racial queerness and argue that these phenomena, while taxing, also confer agency. I propose a conceptual framework that incorporates both queer theory and borderlands theory as a potential framework from which to study how Multiracial individuals are positioned as racial queers. I argue that queerness, for the Multiracial individual, may denote both deviance (from the monoracial norm) and a unique individuality (stemming from one’s Multiracial background). By offering my testimonial as a racial queer and introducing the racial queer conceptual framework, I come a bit closer to naming my experience as a Multiracial individual and providing a space from which others can do the same.

    Read or purchase the article here.