• Interethnic diversity of NAT2 polymorphisms in Brazilian admixed populations

    BMC Genetics
    Volume 11, Number 1 (2010-10-05)
    pages 87-93
    DOI: 10.1186/1471-2156-11-87

    Jhimmy Talbot
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Luiz Alexandre V. Magno
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Cinthia VN Santana
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Sandra MB Sousa
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Paulo RS Melo
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Ronan X. Correa
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Giuliano Di Pietro
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Fabrício Rios-Santos
    Laboratório de Farmacogenômica e Epidemiologia Molecular
    Universidade Estadual de Santa Cruz

    Background

    N-acetyltransferase type 2 (Nat2) is a phase II drug- metabolizing enzyme that plays a key role in the bioactivation of aromatic and heterocyclic amines. Its relevance in drug metabolism and disease susceptibility remains a central theme for pharmacogenetic research, mainly because of its genetic variability among human populations. In fact, the evolutionary and ethnic-specific SNPs on the NAT2 gene remain a focus for the potential discoveries in personalized drug therapy and genetic markers of diseases. Despite the wide characterization of NAT2 SNPs frequency in established ethnic groups, little data are available for highly admixed populations. In this context, five common NAT2 SNPs (G191A, C481T, G590A, A803G and G857A) were investigated in a highly admixed population comprised of Afro-Brazilians, Whites, and Amerindians in northeastern Brazil. Thus, we sought to determine whether the distribution of NAT2 polymorphism is different among these three ethnic groups.

    Results

    Overall, there were no statistically significant differences in the distribution of NAT2 polymorphism when Afro-Brazilian and White groups were compared. Even the allele frequency of 191A, relatively common in African descendents, was not different between the Afro-Brazilian and White groups. However, allele and genotype frequencies of G590A were significantly higher in the Amerindian group than either in the Afro-Brazilian or White groups. Interestingly, a haplotype block between G590A and A803G was verified exclusively among Amerindians.

    Conclusions

    Our results indicate that ethnic admixture might contribute to a particular pattern of genetic diversity in the NAT2 gene and also offer new insights for the investigation of possible new NAT2 gene-environment effects in admixed populations.

    Read the entire article here.

  • “SAMO© as an Escape Clause”: Jean-Michel Basquiat’s Engagement with a Commodified American Africanism

    Journal of American Studies
    Volume 45, Issue 2  (May 2011)
    DOI: 10.1017/S0021875810001738

    Laurie A. Rodrigues
    Department of English
    University of Rhode Island

    Heir to the racist configuration of the American art exchange and the delimiting appraisals of blackness in the American mainstream media, Jean-Michel Basquiat appeared on the late 1970s New York City street art scene – then he called himself “SAMO.” Not long thereafter, Basquiat grew into one of the most influential artists of an international movement that began around 1980, marked by a return to figurative painting. Given its rough, seemingly untrained and extreme, conceptual nature, Basquiat’s high-art oeuvre might not look so sophisticated to the uninformed viewer. However, Basquiat’s work reveals a powerful poetic and visual gift, “heady enough to confound academics and hip enough to capture the attention span of the hip hop nation,” as Greg Tate has remarked. As noted by Richard Marshall, Basquiat’s aesthetic strength actually comes from his striving “to achieve a balance between the visual and intellectual attributes” of his artwork. Like Marshall, Tate, and others, I will connect with Basquiat’s unique, self-reflexively experimental visual practices of signifying and examine anew Basquiat’s active contribution to his self-alienation, as Hebdige has called it. Basquiat’s aesthetic makes of his paintings economies of accumulation, building a productive play of contingency from the mainstream’s constructions of race. This aesthetic move speaks to a need for escape from the perceived epistemic necessities of blackness. Through these economies of accumulation we see, as Tate has pointed out, Basquiat’s “intellectual obsession” with issues such as ancestry/modernity, personhood/property and originality/origins of knowledge, driven by his tireless need to problematize mainstream media’s discourses surrounding race – in other words, a commodified American Africanism.

    Read the entire article here.

  • The Free Colored People of North Carolina

    Southern Workman
    March 1902

    Charles W. Chesnutt

    From the Charles Chesnutt Digital Archive. This site maintained by Stephanie Browner.

    In our generalizations upon American history—and the American people are prone to loose generalization, especially where the Negro is concerned—it is ordinarily assumed that the entire colored race was set free as the result of the Civil War. While this is true in a broad, moral sense, there was, nevertheless, a very considerable technical exception in the case of several hundred thousand free people of color, a great many of whom were residents of the Southern States. Although the emancipation of their race brought to these a larger measure of liberty than they had previously enjoyed, it did not confer upon them personal freedom, which they possessed already. These free colored people were variously distributed, being most numerous, perhaps, in Maryland, where, in the year 1850, for example, in a state with 87,189 slaves, there were 83,942 free colored people, the white population of the State being 515,918; and perhaps least numerous in Georgia, of all the slave states, where, to a slave population of 462,198, there were only 351 free people of color, or less than three-fourths of one per cent., as against the about fifty per cent. in Maryland. Next to Maryland came Virginia, with 58,042 free colored people, North Carolina with 30,463, Louisiana with 18,647, (of whom 10,939 were in the parish of New Orleans alone), and South Carolina with 9,914. For these statistics, I have of course referred to the census reports for the years mentioned. In the year 1850, according to the same authority, there were in the state of North Carolina 553,028 white people, 288,548 slaves, and 27,463 free colored people. In 1860, the white population of the state was 631,100, slaves 331,059, free colored people, 30,463.

    These figures for 1850 and 1860 show that between nine and ten per cent. of the colored population, and about three per cent. of the total population in each of those years, were free colored people, the ratio of increase during the intervening period being inconsiderable. In the decade preceding 1850 the ratio of increase had been somewhat different. From 1840 to 1850 the white population of the state had increased 14.05 per cent., the slave population 17.38 per cent., the free colored population 20.81 per cent. In the long period from 1790 to 1860, during which the total percentage of increase for the whole population of the state was 700.16, that of the whites was 750.30 per cent., that of the free colored people 720.65 per cent., and that of the slave population but 450 per cent., the total increase in free population being 747.56 per cent.

    It seems altogether probable that but for the radical change in the character of slavery, following the invention of the cotton-gin and the consequent great demand for laborers upon the far Southern plantations, which turned the border states into breeding-grounds for slaves, the forces of freedom might in time have overcome those of slavery, and the institution might have died a natural death, as it already had in the Northern States, and as it subsequently did in Brazil and Cuba. To these changed industrial conditions was due, in all probability, in the decade following 1850, the stationary ratio of free colored people to slaves against the larger increase from 1840 to 1850. The gradual growth of the slave power had discouraged the manumission of slaves, had resulted in legislation curtailing the rights and privileges of free people of color, and had driven many of these to seek homes in the North and West, in communities where, if not warmly welcomed as citizens, they were at least tolerated as freemen…

    …One of these curiously mixed people left his mark upon the history of the state—a bloody mark, too, for the Indian in him did not pass-ively endure the things to which the Negro strain rendered him subject. Henry Berry Lowrey was what was known as a “Scuffletown mu-latto” Scuffletown being a rambling community in Robeson county, N. C., inhabited mainly by people of this origin. His father, a prosperous farmer, was impressed, like other free Negroes, during the Civ-il War, for service upon the Confederate public works. He resisted and was shot to death with several sons who were assisting him. A younger son, Henry Berry Lowrey, swore an oath to avenge the injury, and a few years later carried it out with true Indian persistence and ferocity. During a career of murder and robbery extending over several years, in which he was aided by an organized band of desperadoes who rendezvoused in inaccessible swamps and terrorized the county, he killed every white man concerned in his father’s death, and incidentally several others who interfered with his plans, making in all a total of some thirty killings. A body of romance grew up about this swarthy Robin Hood, who, armed to the teeth, would freely walk into the towns and about the railroad stations, knowing full well that there was a price upon his head, but relying for safety upon the sympathy of the blacks and the fears of the whites. His pretty yellow wife, “Rhody,” was known as “the queen of Scuffletown.” Northern reporters came down to write him up. An astute Boston detective who penetrated, under false colors, to his stronghold, is said to have been put to death with savage tortures. A state official was once conducted, by devious paths, under Lowrey’s safeguard, to the outlaw’s camp, in order that he might see for himself how difficult it would be to dislodge them. A dime novel was founded upon his exploits. The state offered ten thousand, the Federal government, five thousand dollars for his capture, and a regiment of Federal troops was sent to subdue him, his career resembling very much that of the picturesque Italian bandit who has recently been captured after a long career of crime. Lowrey only succumbed in the end to a bullet from the hand of a treacherous comrade, and there is even yet a tradition that he escaped and made his way to a distant state. Some years ago these mixed Indians and Negroes were recognized by the North Carolina legislature as “Croatan Indians,” being supposed to have descended from a tribe of that name and the whites of the lost first white colony of Virginia. They are allowed, among other special privileges conferred by this legislation, to have separate schools of their own, being placed, in certain other respects, upon a plane somewhat above that of the Negroes and a little below that of the whites…

    Read the entire essay here.

  • The mystery, myth and marvel of the Melungeons of East Tennessee

    Chattanooga Parent/North Georgia Parent
    2012-01-08

    Jennifer Crutchfield

    Columbus sailed the ocean blue in 1492.  Even the youngest of us knows that rhyme but there is more to the story of the conquest of the New World and it was a man’s search for clues to his mysterious illness that may have answered centuries old questions.   Answering those riddles about people and places make history and its mysteries so exciting.
     
    Elvis Presley, Pocahontas, Abe Lincoln and Sequoyah may share a bloodline that still exists with many Melungeon brothers who don’t even know it.  As early as 1673 English explorer James Needham wrote about people who lived with Native American tribes, Mediterranean-looking people speaking a broken 16th century Elizabethan English in the forests of the New World.

    Dedicated research, advanced genetic typing, testing and a disease or two combined in one man as he battled a mysterious ailment.  Brent Kennedy had always been told that his family was of Irish, Scottish and German heritage.  Imagine his surprise when the source of his pain was diagnosed as Erythema nodosum sarcoidosis, a disease that only strikes Mediterranean men?…

    Read the entire article here.

  • To tackle racism, we must tackle ignorance

    The Times of London
    2012-02-14

    John Barnes

    It’s not about football, it’s about destroying modern myths of colour, race and superiority
     
    In 1987 a black friend of mine went into a shop to buy a coat. He asked the assistant if they had it in black and she said no, they only had it in nigger brown. She was a lovely woman, but what would we say if that happened today?
     
    If I were to ask players of my generation if they had made a racist comment in a football match, anyone honest would almost certainly say yes. No one batted an eyelid 20 years ago. Now when Alan Hansen says “coloured” rather than “black” (because black used to be an insult) or Luis Suárez says “negrito”, everyone jumps up and down to distance themselves from such remarks. They believe racism has been consigned to the past…

    …The Football Association ticks all the right boxes with its policies and campaigns, the Government passes legislation, the Prime Minister gets involved because someone didn’t shake someone’s hand, people queue up to say ignorance is no excuse. But they are wrong. Ignorance is the excuse. To stop it, we have to start talking seriously about race.
     
    The idea that race is about colour is relatively modern. When Aristotle spoke about races he was differentiating between uncivilised barbarians and civilised Greeks. But it was introduced by governments, backed by the Church, to validate slavery and colonialism, to justify treating some people as less equal than others. Just as Linnaeus classified plants, so people were classified by the colour of their skin. Academics tried to prove differences in skull formation to give scientific support to the idea that black people were morally and intellectually inferior.
     
    But race is not a scientific reality. You could find a tribe in Africa who are genetically closer to Europeans than to an African tribe a hundred miles away. Some Saudis have whiter skin than Italians.
     
    The notion of “whiteness” is an ideology of superiority. Nothing similar has ever existed in black culture. Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda do not see themselves as the same. When the Labour MP Diane Abbott talked on Twitter about “divide and rule” her claims depended on a sense of black identity that wasn’t correct…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Assessing the Identity of Black Indians in Louisiana: A Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis

    Louisiana State University
    May 2004
    193 pages

    Francis J. Powell

    A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy In The School of Social Work

    This study shows the existence of Black Indians in Louisiana and investigates whether differences exist between Black Indians who are members of officially recognized tribes and those who do not have any type of recognition. The study examined if a relationship exist between tribal recognition and ethnic identity, subjective well-being, and social support. A cross-sectional survey design was used. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain qualitative data. The sample consisted of 60 participants. 30 were from recognized tribal groups and 30 were from non-recognized tribal communities.

    The study specifically examined variables related to the perceptions of Black Indians in Louisiana to see if this group perceives themselves to be Black, Indian, or both. The independent variable included demographic characteristics and tribal designation. The dependent variables were ethnic identity, subjective well-being and social support.
     
    Results showed that Black Indians in recognized groups had higher levels of Native American identity when compared to their levels of African American identity (p< .01). There were no significant differences in the levels of Native American identity when compared with the African American identity among the non-recognized samples (p< .342). Differences did emerge with respect to income, age, and tribal designation. Results indicated that those Black Indians in recognized tribes were significantly more likely to be younger with higher annual incomes than those Black Indians in non-recognized groups (p < .01).
     
    There were no significant differences between the two groups for the variables social support and subjective well-being. Findings imply that “race”, as a social construct, is designed by arbitrary categories that are inconsistent with ethnic heritage or cultural identity development.

    Table of Contents

    • ACKOWLEDGEMENTS
    • ABSTRACT
    • 1 INTRODUCTION
      • Mixture of African and Native Americans
      • Historical Indian Tribes in Louisiana
      • Purpose of the Study
      • Importance of the Study
      • Operational Definition of Key Concepts
      • Legal Definitions and Racially Mixed People
    • 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
      • Empowerment Approach Theory
      • African American Perspective
        • The Black Experience
        • Church and Family
      • Racial Identity Theories
      • Native Americans
        • Precontact
        • Postcontact
        • Cultural Beliefs
        • Indian Identity
        • Who is an Indian?
      • Historiography of Southern Race Relations
      • Theoretical Perspectives on Biracial Individuals
      • Theoretical Perspectives on Ethnicity and Culture
      • Measuring Ethnic Identity
      • Life Satisfaction and Subjective Well-Being
        • Well-Being and Social Support among African Americans
        • Well-Being and Social Support among Native Americans
      • Social Support Theory
      • Literature Review Summary
    • 3 METHODOLOGY
      • Conceptual Framework
      • Combining Quantitative and Qualitative Methods
      • Research Design
      • Population and Samples
      • Instrumentation
      • Data Collection Procedure
      • Data Analysis
        • Research Hypothesis
      • Definition of Key Concepts
      • Protection of Human Subjects
      • Purpose of the Research Study
      • Major Research Questions
      • Qualitative Research Process
        • Research Design
        • Instrument
        • Data Collection
    • 4 DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF QUANTITATIVE SAMPLE
      • Sample Characteristics
      • Univariate Analysis
        • Objective One
          • Recognition
          • Gender
          • Income
          • Age
          • Education
        • Objective Two
        • MEIM (Ethnic Identity and Affirmation, Belonging, Commitment – African American)
        • MEIM (Ethnic Identity and Affirmation, Belonging, Commitment – Indian)
        • Well-Being (Life Satisfaction and Social Status)
        • Social Support
        • Emotional Support (family)
        • Socializing (family)
        • Practical Assistance (family)
        • Financial Assistance (family)
        • Advice/Guidance (family)
        • Emotional Support (friends)
        • Socializing (friends)
        • Practical Assistance (friends)
        • Financial Assistance (friends)
        • Advice/Guidance (friends)
      • Bivariate Analysis
        • Objective Three
    • 5 DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF QUALITATIVE SAMPLES
      • Sample Characteristics
      • Dual Cultural Identity
      • Racial Dissonance
      • Racism
      • Marginalization
      • Chapter Summary
    • 6 QUANITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE FINDINGS: SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, LIMITATIONS
      • Demographic Variables
      • Ethnic Identity
      • Well-Being (Life Satisfaction and Social Status)
      • Qualitative Findings
      • Implication of Social Work Practice
      • Implication of Social Work Education
      • Limitation of the Study
      • Direction for Future Research
    • REFERENCES
    • APPENDIX
      • A. MANDATORY CRITERIA FOR FEDERAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
      • B. RESEARCH STUDY PROJECT INSTRUMENTS
      • C. QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW GUIDE
    • Qualitative Interview Guide
    • VITA

    Read the entire dissertation here.

  • SML 63: Black Indians: Phil Wilkes Fixico, William Katz

    Blogtalk Radio
    SundayMorning Live
    2012-02-19

    Guests:

    Phil Wilkes Fixico—African-Native American activist, is a Seminole Maroon Descendant, Creek and Cherokee Freedmen descendant, Honorary Heniha for the Wildcat/John Horse Band of the Texas Seminoles, California Semiroon Mico, Member of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Buffalo Soldiers 9th & 10th (horse) Cavalry and the Seminole Negro Indian Scouts of Brackettville, Texas.

    William Katz is the author of “Black Indians” and over 40 books on history.  He specializes in the history of Black Indians and the relationships between the two groups.

    Download the episode here. (02:00:14)

  • Free Soldiers of Color

    The New York Times
    2012-02-17

    Donald R. Shaffer, Lecturer in History
    Upper Iowa University
    and blogger at Civil War Emancipation

    On Feb. 15, 1862, Louisiana dissolved all its militia units as part of a military reorganization law. Among the organizations disbanded was a militia unique in the Confederacy, the 1st Louisiana Native Guards. What made the New Orleans unit special was that it was composed of African-Americans.

    It was natural that the only black militia regiment in the Confederacy would be found in Louisiana, and more specifically in New Orleans, which boasted French, Spanish and African roots. The Crescent City was a cosmopolitan metropolis, by far the largest in the antebellum South, with an 1860 population of over 168,000 people (in contrast, the runner-up, Charleston, S.C., had just 40,000).

    A distinctive group in the diverse city was the French-speaking gens de couleur libre, or “free people of color.” The progeny of European men and women of African descent, this group carved out a place in Louisiana society somewhere between the white population and the more purely African-descended slaves. Their position largely was as an inheritance of French and Spanish rule in Louisiana, which exhibited greater toleration for mixed-raced persons. Indeed, many gens de couleur libre owned property (some even owned slaves), worked at skilled or professional occupations, and embraced the cultural trappings of respectable society. Yet as hard as they tried to gain acceptance as a third caste, the gens de couleur libre still found many whites hostile on account of their obvious if muted African ancestry. If their position was better than that of most Southern blacks, it was by no means equal to that of Louisiana whites…

    Read the entire essay here.

  • Charles W. Chesnutt: Stories, Novels, and Essays

    The Library of America
    2002
    939 pages
    8.1 x 5.3 x 1.3 inches
    Hardcover ISBN-10: 1931082065; ISBN-13: 978-1931082068

    Edited by

    Werner Sollors, Henry B. and Anne M. Cabot Professor of English and African-American Studies
    Harvard University

    Before Langston Hughes and Zora Neale Hurston, before James Weldon Johnson and James Baldwin, Charles W. Chesnutt broke new ground in American literature with his innovative exploration of racial identity and his use of African American speech and folklore. Rejecting his era’s genteel hypocrisy about miscegenation, lynching, and “passing,” Chesnutt laid bare the deep contradictions at the heart of American attitudes toward race and history, and in the process created the modern African American novel. The Library of America presents the best of Chesnutt’s fiction and nonfiction in the largest and most comprehensive edition ever published, featuring a newly researched chronology of the writer’s life.

    The Conjure Woman (1899) introduced Chesnutt to the public as a writer of “conjure” tales that explore black folklore and supernaturalism. In such stories as “The Goophered Grapevine” and “The Conjurer’s Revenge,” the storyteller Uncle Julius reveals a world of fantastic powers and occult influence. That same year, Chesnutt published The Wife of His Youth, and Other Stories of the Color Line, a collection set in his native North Carolina that examines the legacies of slavery and Reconstruction at the turn of the century.

    His first novel, The House Behind the Cedars (1900) dramatizes the emotional turmoil and inevitable conflicts brought on racial passing. Through the agonizing fate of Rena Walden, a beautiful woman in search of her own identity, Chesnutt exposes the destructive consequences of the legal and social fictions surrounding race in the post-bellum South.

    The Marrow of Tradition (1901), Chesnutt’s masterpiece, is a powerful and bitter novel about the harsh reassertion of white dominance in a Southern town. Based on the 1898 massacre in Wilmington, North Carolina, the book reveals the political underpinnings of the emerging segregationist status quo through the story of two secretly related families, one black, one white. Neglected in its own time, The Marrow of Tradition has been recognized increasingly as a unique and multilayered depiction of the hidden dynamics of a society giving way to violence.

    Nine uncollected short stories, including all the Uncle Julius tales omitted from The Conjure Woman, round out the volume’s fiction. A selection of essays, mixing forceful legal argument and political passion, highlight Chesnutt’s prescient views on the paradoxes and future prospects of race relations in American and the definition of race itself. Also included is the revealing autobiographical essay written late in his life, “Post-Bellum—Pre-Harlem.”

    Table of Contents

    • The Conjure Woman [1899]
      • The Goophered Grapevine
      • Po’ Sandy
      • Mars Jeems’s Nightmare
      • The Conjurer’s Revenge
      • Sis’ Becky’s Pickaninny
      • The Gray Wolf’s Ha’nt
      • Hot-Foot Hannibal
    • The Wife of His Youth and Other Stories of the Color Line [1899]
      • The Wife of His Youth
      • Her Virginia Mammy
      • The Sheriff’s Children
      • A Matter of Principle
      • Cicely’s Dream
      • The Passing of Grandison
      • Uncle Wellington’s Wives
      • The Bouquet
      • The Web of Circumstance
    • The House Behind the Cedars [1900]
    • The Marrow of Tradition [1901]
    • Uncollected Stories
      • Dave’s Neckliss [1889]
      • A Deep Sleeper [1893]
      • Lonesome Ben [1900]
      • The Dumb Witness [ca. 1900]
      • The March of Progress [1901]
      • Baxter’s Procrustes [1904]
      • The Doll [1912]
      • White Weeds
      • The Kiss
    • Selected Essays
      • What is a White Man [1889]
      • The Future American [1900]
      • Superstitions and Folk-Lore of the Modern South [1901]
      • Charles W. Chesnutt’s Own View of His New Story, The Marrow of Tradition [1901]
      • The Disfranchisement of the Negro [1903]
      • The Courts and the Negro [1908]
      • Post-Bellum-Pre-Harlem [1931]
  • Performing Mulata-ness: The Politics of Cultural Authenticity and Sexuality among Carioca Samba Dancers

    Latin American Perspectives
    Volume 39, Number 2 (March 2012)
    pages 113-133
    DOI: 10.1177/0094582X11430049

    Natasha Pravaz, Associate Professor of Anthropology
    Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada

    In Rio de Janeiro, mulatas—brown-skinned women of mixed racial descent who dance the samba in Carnival parades and in nightclubs—have become multifocal symbols eliciting associations that resonate both with colonial morality and with mestiçagem, the narrative of racial and cultural mixing as a cornerstone of nationhood. Because of these associations, a dangerous border crossing takes place whenever they dance the samba in public: they may become icons of nationhood, but this may call into question their moral standing. Women who occupy this subject position attempt to maintain a modicum of respectability as they manipulate the objectifying gaze of Brazilians and foreigners to the best of their ability. They also attempt to portray their dance skills as culturally “authentic” in the search for legitimacy and racial pride. Ultimately, samba is a stage upon which the economic needs, embodied desires, and ethnic identities of Brazilian women clash and collude with the neo-colonial dreams of tourists and cosmopolitans.

    Na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, as mulatas—mulheres de ascendência racial misturada que dançam o samba nos desfiles de carnaval e nas boites—se tornaram símbolos polivalentes que evocam associações ressonantes com a moralidade colonial e com o discurso da mestiçagem (mistura racial e cultural) comofundamento da brasilidade. Por causa destas associações, elas negociam um espaço perigoso cada vez que sambam em público: podem tornar-se símbolos da nação, mas isto pode gerar dúvidas sobre a sua reputação moral. As mulheres nesta posição social tentam manter um mínimo de respeito social através da manipulação dos olhares brasileiros e estrangeiros que as reificam. Em busca de legitimidade e orgulho racial, elas procuram definir suas habilidades artísticas comoculturalmente “autênticas.” Por fim, o samba é um palco onde as necessidades econômicas, os desejos encarnados e as identidades étnicas da mulher brasileira se embatem e conspiram com os sonhos neo-coloniais de turistas e cosmopolitas.

    Read or purchase the article here.