The Free Colored People of North Carolina

Posted in Articles, History, Media Archive on 2012-02-23 02:30Z by Steven

The Free Colored People of North Carolina

Southern Workman
March 1902

Charles W. Chesnutt

From the Charles Chesnutt Digital Archive. This site maintained by Stephanie Browner.

In our generalizations upon American history—and the American people are prone to loose generalization, especially where the Negro is concerned—it is ordinarily assumed that the entire colored race was set free as the result of the Civil War. While this is true in a broad, moral sense, there was, nevertheless, a very considerable technical exception in the case of several hundred thousand free people of color, a great many of whom were residents of the Southern States. Although the emancipation of their race brought to these a larger measure of liberty than they had previously enjoyed, it did not confer upon them personal freedom, which they possessed already. These free colored people were variously distributed, being most numerous, perhaps, in Maryland, where, in the year 1850, for example, in a state with 87,189 slaves, there were 83,942 free colored people, the white population of the State being 515,918; and perhaps least numerous in Georgia, of all the slave states, where, to a slave population of 462,198, there were only 351 free people of color, or less than three-fourths of one per cent., as against the about fifty per cent. in Maryland. Next to Maryland came Virginia, with 58,042 free colored people, North Carolina with 30,463, Louisiana with 18,647, (of whom 10,939 were in the parish of New Orleans alone), and South Carolina with 9,914. For these statistics, I have of course referred to the census reports for the years mentioned. In the year 1850, according to the same authority, there were in the state of North Carolina 553,028 white people, 288,548 slaves, and 27,463 free colored people. In 1860, the white population of the state was 631,100, slaves 331,059, free colored people, 30,463.

These figures for 1850 and 1860 show that between nine and ten per cent. of the colored population, and about three per cent. of the total population in each of those years, were free colored people, the ratio of increase during the intervening period being inconsiderable. In the decade preceding 1850 the ratio of increase had been somewhat different. From 1840 to 1850 the white population of the state had increased 14.05 per cent., the slave population 17.38 per cent., the free colored population 20.81 per cent. In the long period from 1790 to 1860, during which the total percentage of increase for the whole population of the state was 700.16, that of the whites was 750.30 per cent., that of the free colored people 720.65 per cent., and that of the slave population but 450 per cent., the total increase in free population being 747.56 per cent.

It seems altogether probable that but for the radical change in the character of slavery, following the invention of the cotton-gin and the consequent great demand for laborers upon the far Southern plantations, which turned the border states into breeding-grounds for slaves, the forces of freedom might in time have overcome those of slavery, and the institution might have died a natural death, as it already had in the Northern States, and as it subsequently did in Brazil and Cuba. To these changed industrial conditions was due, in all probability, in the decade following 1850, the stationary ratio of free colored people to slaves against the larger increase from 1840 to 1850. The gradual growth of the slave power had discouraged the manumission of slaves, had resulted in legislation curtailing the rights and privileges of free people of color, and had driven many of these to seek homes in the North and West, in communities where, if not warmly welcomed as citizens, they were at least tolerated as freemen…

…One of these curiously mixed people left his mark upon the history of the state—a bloody mark, too, for the Indian in him did not pass-ively endure the things to which the Negro strain rendered him subject. Henry Berry Lowrey was what was known as a “Scuffletown mu-latto” Scuffletown being a rambling community in Robeson county, N. C., inhabited mainly by people of this origin. His father, a prosperous farmer, was impressed, like other free Negroes, during the Civ-il War, for service upon the Confederate public works. He resisted and was shot to death with several sons who were assisting him. A younger son, Henry Berry Lowrey, swore an oath to avenge the injury, and a few years later carried it out with true Indian persistence and ferocity. During a career of murder and robbery extending over several years, in which he was aided by an organized band of desperadoes who rendezvoused in inaccessible swamps and terrorized the county, he killed every white man concerned in his father’s death, and incidentally several others who interfered with his plans, making in all a total of some thirty killings. A body of romance grew up about this swarthy Robin Hood, who, armed to the teeth, would freely walk into the towns and about the railroad stations, knowing full well that there was a price upon his head, but relying for safety upon the sympathy of the blacks and the fears of the whites. His pretty yellow wife, “Rhody,” was known as “the queen of Scuffletown.” Northern reporters came down to write him up. An astute Boston detective who penetrated, under false colors, to his stronghold, is said to have been put to death with savage tortures. A state official was once conducted, by devious paths, under Lowrey’s safeguard, to the outlaw’s camp, in order that he might see for himself how difficult it would be to dislodge them. A dime novel was founded upon his exploits. The state offered ten thousand, the Federal government, five thousand dollars for his capture, and a regiment of Federal troops was sent to subdue him, his career resembling very much that of the picturesque Italian bandit who has recently been captured after a long career of crime. Lowrey only succumbed in the end to a bullet from the hand of a treacherous comrade, and there is even yet a tradition that he escaped and made his way to a distant state. Some years ago these mixed Indians and Negroes were recognized by the North Carolina legislature as “Croatan Indians,” being supposed to have descended from a tribe of that name and the whites of the lost first white colony of Virginia. They are allowed, among other special privileges conferred by this legislation, to have separate schools of their own, being placed, in certain other respects, upon a plane somewhat above that of the Negroes and a little below that of the whites…

Read the entire essay here.

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The mystery, myth and marvel of the Melungeons of East Tennessee

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Media Archive, Tri-Racial Isolates, United States on 2012-02-23 01:19Z by Steven

The mystery, myth and marvel of the Melungeons of East Tennessee

Chattanooga Parent/North Georgia Parent
2012-01-08

Jennifer Crutchfield

Columbus sailed the ocean blue in 1492.  Even the youngest of us knows that rhyme but there is more to the story of the conquest of the New World and it was a man’s search for clues to his mysterious illness that may have answered centuries old questions.   Answering those riddles about people and places make history and its mysteries so exciting.
 
Elvis Presley, Pocahontas, Abe Lincoln and Sequoyah may share a bloodline that still exists with many Melungeon brothers who don’t even know it.  As early as 1673 English explorer James Needham wrote about people who lived with Native American tribes, Mediterranean-looking people speaking a broken 16th century Elizabethan English in the forests of the New World.

Dedicated research, advanced genetic typing, testing and a disease or two combined in one man as he battled a mysterious ailment.  Brent Kennedy had always been told that his family was of Irish, Scottish and German heritage.  Imagine his surprise when the source of his pain was diagnosed as Erythema nodosum sarcoidosis, a disease that only strikes Mediterranean men?…

Read the entire article here.

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To tackle racism, we must tackle ignorance

Posted in Articles, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2012-02-21 18:26Z by Steven

To tackle racism, we must tackle ignorance

The Times of London
2012-02-14

John Barnes

It’s not about football, it’s about destroying modern myths of colour, race and superiority
 
In 1987 a black friend of mine went into a shop to buy a coat. He asked the assistant if they had it in black and she said no, they only had it in nigger brown. She was a lovely woman, but what would we say if that happened today?
 
If I were to ask players of my generation if they had made a racist comment in a football match, anyone honest would almost certainly say yes. No one batted an eyelid 20 years ago. Now when Alan Hansen says “coloured” rather than “black” (because black used to be an insult) or Luis Suárez says “negrito”, everyone jumps up and down to distance themselves from such remarks. They believe racism has been consigned to the past…

…The Football Association ticks all the right boxes with its policies and campaigns, the Government passes legislation, the Prime Minister gets involved because someone didn’t shake someone’s hand, people queue up to say ignorance is no excuse. But they are wrong. Ignorance is the excuse. To stop it, we have to start talking seriously about race.
 
The idea that race is about colour is relatively modern. When Aristotle spoke about races he was differentiating between uncivilised barbarians and civilised Greeks. But it was introduced by governments, backed by the Church, to validate slavery and colonialism, to justify treating some people as less equal than others. Just as Linnaeus classified plants, so people were classified by the colour of their skin. Academics tried to prove differences in skull formation to give scientific support to the idea that black people were morally and intellectually inferior.
 
But race is not a scientific reality. You could find a tribe in Africa who are genetically closer to Europeans than to an African tribe a hundred miles away. Some Saudis have whiter skin than Italians.
 
The notion of “whiteness” is an ideology of superiority. Nothing similar has ever existed in black culture. Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda do not see themselves as the same. When the Labour MP Diane Abbott talked on Twitter about “divide and rule” her claims depended on a sense of black identity that wasn’t correct…

Read the entire article here.

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Assessing the Identity of Black Indians in Louisiana: A Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis

Posted in Dissertations, History, Louisiana, Media Archive, Native Americans/First Nation, Social Work, United States on 2012-02-20 02:34Z by Steven

Assessing the Identity of Black Indians in Louisiana: A Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis

Louisiana State University
May 2004
193 pages

Francis J. Powell

A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy In The School of Social Work

This study shows the existence of Black Indians in Louisiana and investigates whether differences exist between Black Indians who are members of officially recognized tribes and those who do not have any type of recognition. The study examined if a relationship exist between tribal recognition and ethnic identity, subjective well-being, and social support. A cross-sectional survey design was used. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to obtain qualitative data. The sample consisted of 60 participants. 30 were from recognized tribal groups and 30 were from non-recognized tribal communities.

The study specifically examined variables related to the perceptions of Black Indians in Louisiana to see if this group perceives themselves to be Black, Indian, or both. The independent variable included demographic characteristics and tribal designation. The dependent variables were ethnic identity, subjective well-being and social support.
 
Results showed that Black Indians in recognized groups had higher levels of Native American identity when compared to their levels of African American identity (p< .01). There were no significant differences in the levels of Native American identity when compared with the African American identity among the non-recognized samples (p< .342). Differences did emerge with respect to income, age, and tribal designation. Results indicated that those Black Indians in recognized tribes were significantly more likely to be younger with higher annual incomes than those Black Indians in non-recognized groups (p < .01).
 
There were no significant differences between the two groups for the variables social support and subjective well-being. Findings imply that “race”, as a social construct, is designed by arbitrary categories that are inconsistent with ethnic heritage or cultural identity development.

Table of Contents

  • ACKOWLEDGEMENTS
  • ABSTRACT
  • 1 INTRODUCTION
    • Mixture of African and Native Americans
    • Historical Indian Tribes in Louisiana
    • Purpose of the Study
    • Importance of the Study
    • Operational Definition of Key Concepts
    • Legal Definitions and Racially Mixed People
  • 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
    • Empowerment Approach Theory
    • African American Perspective
      • The Black Experience
      • Church and Family
    • Racial Identity Theories
    • Native Americans
      • Precontact
      • Postcontact
      • Cultural Beliefs
      • Indian Identity
      • Who is an Indian?
    • Historiography of Southern Race Relations
    • Theoretical Perspectives on Biracial Individuals
    • Theoretical Perspectives on Ethnicity and Culture
    • Measuring Ethnic Identity
    • Life Satisfaction and Subjective Well-Being
      • Well-Being and Social Support among African Americans
      • Well-Being and Social Support among Native Americans
    • Social Support Theory
    • Literature Review Summary
  • 3 METHODOLOGY
    • Conceptual Framework
    • Combining Quantitative and Qualitative Methods
    • Research Design
    • Population and Samples
    • Instrumentation
    • Data Collection Procedure
    • Data Analysis
      • Research Hypothesis
    • Definition of Key Concepts
    • Protection of Human Subjects
    • Purpose of the Research Study
    • Major Research Questions
    • Qualitative Research Process
      • Research Design
      • Instrument
      • Data Collection
  • 4 DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF QUANTITATIVE SAMPLE
    • Sample Characteristics
    • Univariate Analysis
      • Objective One
        • Recognition
        • Gender
        • Income
        • Age
        • Education
      • Objective Two
      • MEIM (Ethnic Identity and Affirmation, Belonging, Commitment – African American)
      • MEIM (Ethnic Identity and Affirmation, Belonging, Commitment – Indian)
      • Well-Being (Life Satisfaction and Social Status)
      • Social Support
      • Emotional Support (family)
      • Socializing (family)
      • Practical Assistance (family)
      • Financial Assistance (family)
      • Advice/Guidance (family)
      • Emotional Support (friends)
      • Socializing (friends)
      • Practical Assistance (friends)
      • Financial Assistance (friends)
      • Advice/Guidance (friends)
    • Bivariate Analysis
      • Objective Three
  • 5 DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF QUALITATIVE SAMPLES
    • Sample Characteristics
    • Dual Cultural Identity
    • Racial Dissonance
    • Racism
    • Marginalization
    • Chapter Summary
  • 6 QUANITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE FINDINGS: SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, LIMITATIONS
    • Demographic Variables
    • Ethnic Identity
    • Well-Being (Life Satisfaction and Social Status)
    • Qualitative Findings
    • Implication of Social Work Practice
    • Implication of Social Work Education
    • Limitation of the Study
    • Direction for Future Research
  • REFERENCES
  • APPENDIX
    • A. MANDATORY CRITERIA FOR FEDERAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
    • B. RESEARCH STUDY PROJECT INSTRUMENTS
    • C. QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW GUIDE
  • Qualitative Interview Guide
  • VITA

Read the entire dissertation here.

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SML 63: Black Indians: Phil Wilkes Fixico, William Katz

Posted in Audio, History, Interviews, Media Archive, Native Americans/First Nation, United States on 2012-02-20 01:59Z by Steven

SML 63: Black Indians: Phil Wilkes Fixico, William Katz

Blogtalk Radio
SundayMorning Live
2012-02-19

Guests:

Phil Wilkes Fixico—African-Native American activist, is a Seminole Maroon Descendant, Creek and Cherokee Freedmen descendant, Honorary Heniha for the Wildcat/John Horse Band of the Texas Seminoles, California Semiroon Mico, Member of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Buffalo Soldiers 9th & 10th (horse) Cavalry and the Seminole Negro Indian Scouts of Brackettville, Texas.

William Katz is the author of “Black Indians” and over 40 books on history.  He specializes in the history of Black Indians and the relationships between the two groups.

Download the episode here. (02:00:14)

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Free Soldiers of Color

Posted in Articles, History, Louisiana, Media Archive, Slavery, United States on 2012-02-19 00:40Z by Steven

Free Soldiers of Color

The New York Times
2012-02-17

Donald R. Shaffer, Lecturer in History
Upper Iowa University
and blogger at Civil War Emancipation

On Feb. 15, 1862, Louisiana dissolved all its militia units as part of a military reorganization law. Among the organizations disbanded was a militia unique in the Confederacy, the 1st Louisiana Native Guards. What made the New Orleans unit special was that it was composed of African-Americans.

It was natural that the only black militia regiment in the Confederacy would be found in Louisiana, and more specifically in New Orleans, which boasted French, Spanish and African roots. The Crescent City was a cosmopolitan metropolis, by far the largest in the antebellum South, with an 1860 population of over 168,000 people (in contrast, the runner-up, Charleston, S.C., had just 40,000).

A distinctive group in the diverse city was the French-speaking gens de couleur libre, or “free people of color.” The progeny of European men and women of African descent, this group carved out a place in Louisiana society somewhere between the white population and the more purely African-descended slaves. Their position largely was as an inheritance of French and Spanish rule in Louisiana, which exhibited greater toleration for mixed-raced persons. Indeed, many gens de couleur libre owned property (some even owned slaves), worked at skilled or professional occupations, and embraced the cultural trappings of respectable society. Yet as hard as they tried to gain acceptance as a third caste, the gens de couleur libre still found many whites hostile on account of their obvious if muted African ancestry. If their position was better than that of most Southern blacks, it was by no means equal to that of Louisiana whites…

Read the entire essay here.

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Charles W. Chesnutt: Stories, Novels, and Essays

Posted in Books, Media Archive, Novels, Passing, United States on 2012-02-19 00:22Z by Steven

Charles W. Chesnutt: Stories, Novels, and Essays

The Library of America
2002
939 pages
8.1 x 5.3 x 1.3 inches
Hardcover ISBN-10: 1931082065; ISBN-13: 978-1931082068

Edited by

Werner Sollors, Henry B. and Anne M. Cabot Professor of English and African-American Studies
Harvard University

Before Langston Hughes and Zora Neale Hurston, before James Weldon Johnson and James Baldwin, Charles W. Chesnutt broke new ground in American literature with his innovative exploration of racial identity and his use of African American speech and folklore. Rejecting his era’s genteel hypocrisy about miscegenation, lynching, and “passing,” Chesnutt laid bare the deep contradictions at the heart of American attitudes toward race and history, and in the process created the modern African American novel. The Library of America presents the best of Chesnutt’s fiction and nonfiction in the largest and most comprehensive edition ever published, featuring a newly researched chronology of the writer’s life.

The Conjure Woman (1899) introduced Chesnutt to the public as a writer of “conjure” tales that explore black folklore and supernaturalism. In such stories as “The Goophered Grapevine” and “The Conjurer’s Revenge,” the storyteller Uncle Julius reveals a world of fantastic powers and occult influence. That same year, Chesnutt published The Wife of His Youth, and Other Stories of the Color Line, a collection set in his native North Carolina that examines the legacies of slavery and Reconstruction at the turn of the century.

His first novel, The House Behind the Cedars (1900) dramatizes the emotional turmoil and inevitable conflicts brought on racial passing. Through the agonizing fate of Rena Walden, a beautiful woman in search of her own identity, Chesnutt exposes the destructive consequences of the legal and social fictions surrounding race in the post-bellum South.

The Marrow of Tradition (1901), Chesnutt’s masterpiece, is a powerful and bitter novel about the harsh reassertion of white dominance in a Southern town. Based on the 1898 massacre in Wilmington, North Carolina, the book reveals the political underpinnings of the emerging segregationist status quo through the story of two secretly related families, one black, one white. Neglected in its own time, The Marrow of Tradition has been recognized increasingly as a unique and multilayered depiction of the hidden dynamics of a society giving way to violence.

Nine uncollected short stories, including all the Uncle Julius tales omitted from The Conjure Woman, round out the volume’s fiction. A selection of essays, mixing forceful legal argument and political passion, highlight Chesnutt’s prescient views on the paradoxes and future prospects of race relations in American and the definition of race itself. Also included is the revealing autobiographical essay written late in his life, “Post-Bellum—Pre-Harlem.”

Table of Contents

  • The Conjure Woman [1899]
    • The Goophered Grapevine
    • Po’ Sandy
    • Mars Jeems’s Nightmare
    • The Conjurer’s Revenge
    • Sis’ Becky’s Pickaninny
    • The Gray Wolf’s Ha’nt
    • Hot-Foot Hannibal
  • The Wife of His Youth and Other Stories of the Color Line [1899]
    • The Wife of His Youth
    • Her Virginia Mammy
    • The Sheriff’s Children
    • A Matter of Principle
    • Cicely’s Dream
    • The Passing of Grandison
    • Uncle Wellington’s Wives
    • The Bouquet
    • The Web of Circumstance
  • The House Behind the Cedars [1900]
  • The Marrow of Tradition [1901]
  • Uncollected Stories
    • Dave’s Neckliss [1889]
    • A Deep Sleeper [1893]
    • Lonesome Ben [1900]
    • The Dumb Witness [ca. 1900]
    • The March of Progress [1901]
    • Baxter’s Procrustes [1904]
    • The Doll [1912]
    • White Weeds
    • The Kiss
  • Selected Essays
    • What is a White Man [1889]
    • The Future American [1900]
    • Superstitions and Folk-Lore of the Modern South [1901]
    • Charles W. Chesnutt’s Own View of His New Story, The Marrow of Tradition [1901]
    • The Disfranchisement of the Negro [1903]
    • The Courts and the Negro [1908]
    • Post-Bellum-Pre-Harlem [1931]
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Performing Mulata-ness: The Politics of Cultural Authenticity and Sexuality among Carioca Samba Dancers

Posted in Articles, Arts, Brazil, Caribbean/Latin America, Literary/Artistic Criticism, Media Archive, Women on 2012-02-18 22:04Z by Steven

Performing Mulata-ness: The Politics of Cultural Authenticity and Sexuality among Carioca Samba Dancers

Latin American Perspectives
Volume 39, Number 2 (March 2012)
pages 113-133
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X11430049

Natasha Pravaz, Associate Professor of Anthropology
Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada

In Rio de Janeiro, mulatas—brown-skinned women of mixed racial descent who dance the samba in Carnival parades and in nightclubs—have become multifocal symbols eliciting associations that resonate both with colonial morality and with mestiçagem, the narrative of racial and cultural mixing as a cornerstone of nationhood. Because of these associations, a dangerous border crossing takes place whenever they dance the samba in public: they may become icons of nationhood, but this may call into question their moral standing. Women who occupy this subject position attempt to maintain a modicum of respectability as they manipulate the objectifying gaze of Brazilians and foreigners to the best of their ability. They also attempt to portray their dance skills as culturally “authentic” in the search for legitimacy and racial pride. Ultimately, samba is a stage upon which the economic needs, embodied desires, and ethnic identities of Brazilian women clash and collude with the neo-colonial dreams of tourists and cosmopolitans.

Na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, as mulatas—mulheres de ascendência racial misturada que dançam o samba nos desfiles de carnaval e nas boites—se tornaram símbolos polivalentes que evocam associações ressonantes com a moralidade colonial e com o discurso da mestiçagem (mistura racial e cultural) comofundamento da brasilidade. Por causa destas associações, elas negociam um espaço perigoso cada vez que sambam em público: podem tornar-se símbolos da nação, mas isto pode gerar dúvidas sobre a sua reputação moral. As mulheres nesta posição social tentam manter um mínimo de respeito social através da manipulação dos olhares brasileiros e estrangeiros que as reificam. Em busca de legitimidade e orgulho racial, elas procuram definir suas habilidades artísticas comoculturalmente “autênticas.” Por fim, o samba é um palco onde as necessidades econômicas, os desejos encarnados e as identidades étnicas da mulher brasileira se embatem e conspiram com os sonhos neo-coloniais de turistas e cosmopolitas.

Read or purchase the article here.

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…And… a conjunction of history and imagination

Posted in Africa, Books, Media Archive, Monographs, United Kingdom on 2012-02-18 20:15Z by Steven

…And… a conjunction of history and imagination

Lulu
2010-02-06
206 pages
4.3 wide × 6.9 tall
Paperback ISBN: 5800039355462

Isabel Adonis

And… is a psychological memoir of the lives of my mother and father, Catherine Alice and Denis Williams. Inspired in part by Jamaica Kinkaid’s Mr Potter, the writing explores the nature of identity, place, history, the meaning of a colonial background, the divisiveness of colour, alienation, and the tradition of the English language, which paradoxically both liberates and incarcerates.

My mother was from a small town in North Wales; my father from Guyana, both ex colonies: they met each other in London after the Second World War. My mother already had a child by a black American airman when she met my father, a scholarship student on the first grant awarded by the British Council. My mother had been brought up in an orphanage: she was very literate, religious and poetic and creative.

In London, my father was very quickly famous as a painter, but success, on white terms, proved to be a humiliating experience for him. They travelled to the Sudan to look for his ancestral roots; there he wrote what is considered one of the first postcolonial texts, Other Leopards. They then moved to Nigeria, where he worked with, and befriended, Ulli Beier, Wole Soyinka and others. This was in the 1960s, when the Mbari movement was in its infancy.

My book is not a biography, but focuses on impressions, and charts a holographic journey where simple accounts reveal the depth of their lives together from the point of view of one of their children. Anyone from teenagers onwards can read this multi-layered and imaginative book, whose centre is identity, culture, and the nature of desire. It is simultaneously personal and universal, and ideal for students at school, at college and university or for anybody interested in race, or what it means to be mixed.

The title symbolises the attempt of the writing to deconstruct the hierarchical structure of language, and knit from the fragments of identity, an authorial voice without authority – without the defining rejection of  ‘other’. The stripped down language allows the exploration of the clash of cultures—Welsh, English, and Caribbean.

Chapter One

In which my mother says she wants to be buried in rags and sacking – and is not.

And my mother always said that when she died she wanted to be buried face down in rags and sacking. She wanted nothing else, so that even in her death she could deny desire. She never wanted anything in life or death because for her, the worst thing was to want. And she said, “I don’t want, I don’t know how to want”, so that when it came to mentioning her end, she wanted to not want. She never saw of course that her dying wish was a contradiction, how it contained, in her denial, the very want she was avoiding, and that behind every denial of want was the want; the want she did not want. And she lived her whole life like this, negatively, and perfectly confident at the same time, not of what she wanted but of all that she did not want.

It was amusing, though she was perfectly serious; it was frightening too, since it demanded that I as her daughter would have to act on her wishes, and it was easier to ignore her. Her desire was to extend beyond death itself and this wish seemed to say more about her than almost any other thing. She said, “I don’t want any fuss made over me, I don’t want to be a problem to anyone, I don’t want a coffin, I don’t want a church service.” All contradictions, and her list would be endless, an impossible list of not-wants.

As much as she hated wanting and believed that she could not want, she hated religion even while it was at the centre of her life. “The Lord is my Shepherd I shall not want,” she said quietly to herself; believing that religion and desire were incompatible. It was imprinted on her brain as her earliest memory; wanting and religion did not go together, and if her life was to be religious there was no wanting.

Perhaps this was why she saw that they, the religious ones, wanted too much and therefore the Lord was not their shepherd, as the Lord was her shepherd. Perhaps she saw their hypocrisy but didn’t see her own reflection in them, for she sought always to be purer and yet still purer and she would always have to be lower, and therefore higher, in her relation to the world. She sought humility and she talked of virtue and smallness and she believed she was it; she spoke of those who stole virtue and she would turn every stone until she received God’s grace, even if it didn’t come to her until old age, like some biblical hero, and her life would be transformed by His intervention.

She would be transformed through religious baptism. She prayed for this; the life she was ceaselessly wanting, and while not wanting it she would search the good book,—Y Beibl, which is ‘The Bible’ in English. But her liberation never came, not even in death or before it, and neither did her dying wish that she should be buried in this non-conformist way.

And my mother had no shortage of rags and sacking. She had been collecting them over a long period of time. Some were plain and some had print on them and some were just plain dirty but she didn’t mind dirt. Holding them up to the light she would examine the size and the weave and if they were crumpled she would carefully and lovingly wash each one and dry it on a washing line and air it until it was quite dry. Once she even took out a bradawl, a small tool for pushing small cut strips of cloth through the weave, to make one of her sacks into a mat. And everything she did was for the glory of God, and sewing was a prayer and a meditation to Him, which had its own rewards, not here on earth but in heaven.

‘Rags and sacking’ demonstrated her humility, her smallness, her virtue, and she loved cloth more than wood and sewing more than carpentry. Carpentry was for men and she was not a man; her dealings with wood were restricted to the collecting of twigs for her coal fire. When she lived in Bangor, on the mountain and close to trees and woodland, she bought a red bow saw and a small dark red handled chopping knife to cut these small pieces of wood. Sometimes she could be seen sawing up a long piece of ash. There was an ash tree behind her home and sometimes she would drag smaller branches into her hillside garden and she would cut them again into twigs. But when it came to any consideration of death and dying it wasn’t wood she thought of, it was cloth. And besides, she wanted to resist them, those men that made all kinds of rules about this and that, and every type of human activity, and especially in matters of the human heart. She would express herself through the softness of rags and sacking.

She was a kind of expert on cloth and especially old cloth, it excited her in a sensual way; the smell, the weight, the feel, the weave, the dye and the colour reminded her of a lost skin, of lost love and lost intimacy; her mother’s long dark skirt, her beautifully stitched and starched white cotton blouse with full sleeves, the little buttons at the cuff, her father, Johnny Willy’s wool suit, his bow tie and his tweed cloth cap. She told me years ago, a tale of going upstairs as a child, to the attic and seeing the old clothes which her grandparents had worn and she hadn’t just remembered it, she had absorbed it into her child mind and her child body, and there it had stayed as some hidden language. She told me how she remembered the black and white clothes and how that was an image she had to live by, like the very skin she was in, and she would live with those colours of black and white, an image that would determine her destiny, an image to stand under and live by. Black and white bound her to a past and sustained her present.

She had never said anything about her own mother’s face, her mother’s hair or her mother’s skin or her mother’s ways. She never mentioned her mother’s name or her mother’s life, yet everything about her life spoke of mother. She just said: “She died when I was six.” And when I was very young I thought that when my mother died my eldest sister, Janice would become my mother and then when she died my sister, Evelyn would be my mother and then it would be my turn to be my mother, but it didn’t turn out like that.

Soon after my father left my mother, she busied herself collecting cloth. We had to leave Llandudno because the bank manager had insisted that my mother sell our house. My father had left us in debt, a debt that wouldn’t have mattered if he’d still been working in Africa, but he wasn’t. I can remember he earned about two thousand pounds then and it was called a salary, and this salary included free travel to Africa and the other benefits like boarding-school fees and something called superannuation. The bank manager called her in and he told her. He said: “You will have to have a second mortgage on your home.” And of course she didn’t want a second mortgage because she knew she could not pay the first, and the bank manager knew that too.

The debt meant that we had to leave the first house, which was called Beiteel. It was the first house, my mother had ever had, but it was a house which was never a home or a haven or a place of comfort or anything like that, though she wanted it to be. She had to leave a life, which at one time had almost given her a certain privilege and a certain status. Then she was no longer going up in the world as people say, and there was no more paid travel or boarding-school fees, nor was there anymore any superannuation, not that my mother was particularly interested in that.

And soon after he left we went to live in Bangor, which is just up the coast from Llandudno. There is a university on a hill overlooking the town which is in a river valley, though the river is nowhere to be seen. It was closer the mountains where she could buy a cheaper house and pay off the debt owed to the bank. She began to fill her time with collecting clothes from a charity shop, which was called Oxfam. There was only one charity shop at the time in Bangor, but later there were many more. And when there were more she went to the others.

Sometimes she had arguments with the women who ran the shop and she would return home, full of defiance and hurt and outrage. Most of all she despised their goodness and their monopoly on goodness. The way they had a chance to see all the clothes before she did, the way they wouldn’t let her negotiate for clothes as she would have preferred. Like an African woman she felt it her right to do that – to barter and bargain. She was poor and she could never understand why it was the poor who supported the poor. Each penny spent was noted in a little black and red notebook bought at Woolworth’s and she paid all her bills in instalments long before this idea caught on.

And after a long time she saved eighty pounds in this way and she deposited it in an account at the Halifax Building Society, so that she had another book. This saving pleased her and she was proud of her abilities to manage the very little money she had. She didn’t work outside the home because that was my father’s role and now he was gone and he had taken that life with him; the life she had worked for. She couldn’t stand the isolation, for she was a sociable sort, though she was not one for social niceties.

She kept on buying and collecting. She collected cardigans, jumpers, waistcoats with fancy buttons, wool coats for children, wool coats for grown ups, silk dressing gowns and printed dresses, hats, Kangol berets in all colours, hats in hat boxes and leather gloves and dressing-up gloves made of delicate leather, lacy tops and silk scarves, fox furs and beaver furs and fur coats, pleated skirts and tweed skirts and silk and Scottish kilts and pyjama cases. Each item was lovingly washed or brushed, altered or mended and assigned a place in her bedroom, which was soon bursting like a well-stocked charity shop. The berets were steamed and thoroughly cleaned and she wore them with pride. Every single thing was significant, ordered and perfectly clean, for if anything had a small stain she would douse it with lemon juice or iron it with brown paper or brush it until it was clean.

In addition she collected small things like buttons and lengths of ribbons and braid and broken brooches and expensive pens that didn’t work and endless pairs of reading glasses (for the frames), old leather bags and satchels of different kinds. She liked discarded things and worn things and all those things which were unloved and required attention.

The bedroom suite was a pale wood and had been bought second hand from Auntie Maggie’s son, David, for seventeen pounds, the first and only bedroom suite she had. Auntie Maggie had come to the house in her usual way and said that she had something for my mother. She said: “David is selling a bedroom suite and it is such a bargen.” My mother put so many clothes in the wardrobe, it could not be adequately closed and she had to jam the door shut with a rolled up bit of paper. She had a pair of purple curtains on the window which I had bought for her from Pollecoffs – an old fashioned shop where receipts were always written out by hand with a pen and ink, and the money went on odd journeys around the shop in a lift and a brass container, and men spoke graciously of service.

Her dressing table was covered with used lipstick cases, old perfume bottles, empty talcum powder pots, empty tin tubs of Nivea and empty tin tubs of Boots face cream which was like Nivea, a tube of pink Germolene and a pot of lanolin, a home made silk bag, old safety pins, and boxes of unused Morny soaps. There was always Johnson’s baby powder, a tall white container whose smell of babies filled the air.

For darning she had a mushroom shaped wooden tool over which she stretched a woollen sock for repair: she would unravel the broken threads and begin creating a new warp and weft with a long darning needle and fine wool, kept on a card. She would be sat hunched over by a window straining towards the light as if in prayer, and darning was prayer itself. She could do this for socks and she could do this for stockings and she knew how to make a proper patch for a cotton sheet and how to make a bodice for a girl’s dress and how to make women’s underwear and how to make an ankle on a pair of knitted socks. She knew how to make a girl’s dress and a pair of trousers without a pattern, how to make every kind of skirt and cut it on the bias or how to make a pleat. And she seemed to know how to do everything to do with clothes as if it were a language she knew.

And shoes. She collected all kinds of shoes, flat brown shoes, leather brogues with proper stitching along the soles and not moulded, shoes with great long laces made of leather and some had laces not made of leather, high heeled shoes in patent leather which she would never wear, purple suede shoes and pink shoes, shoes with bars and shoes with buckles, stuffed with balls of scrunched up newspaper and shoe horns. And once she bought me dancers shoes by Anello and Davide and I loved those shoes and I had two pairs, a red pair and a black pair.

The insides of shoes would be cleaned with a damp cloth, moistened with Dettol, she believed in Dettol, just like the cross itself: after which she would put one shoe next to the other shoe, as if they were twins and place them under the bed. She must have had about forty pairs of shoes of which she only wore one or two pairs, and not one of them new, and they were pushed under her bed along with other treasures for the life she might lead or might have led. There was a large piece of sandstone, which my father had taken from an archaeological dig at Meroë in the Sudan, a rolled up print which the artist Roger Hilton had given my father. She had some manuscripts, and a box of green tiles which had been made for a coffee table designed by my father and based on a rubbing from an Egyptian tomb. The table was never made, though for a time it was there in the house, just put together roughly. I always felt it very bad luck to keep that piece of sandstone, for I feared it would act as a curse on her life and his, to remove something sacred, like when Lord Carnarvon raided the Egyptian tomb. I had read all about Lord Carnarvon in a book on archaeology given to me by my father.

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Is racial mismatch a problem for young ‘mixed race’ people in Britain? The findings of qualitative research

Posted in Articles, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2012-02-17 20:07Z by Steven

Is racial mismatch a problem for young ‘mixed race’ people in Britain? The findings of qualitative research

Ethnicities
Volume 12, Number 6 (December 2012)
pages 730-753
DOI: 10.1177/1468796811434912

Miri Song, Professor of Sociology
University of Kent, UK

Peter Aspinall, Reader in Population Health at the Centre for Health Services Studies
University of Kent, UK

Recent evidence concerning the racial identifications of ‘mixed race’ people suggests growing latitude in how they may identify. In this article, we examine whether mixed race young people believe that their chosen identifications are validated by others, and how they respond to others’ racial perceptions of them. While existing studies tend to assume that a disjuncture between self-identification and others’ perceptions of them is problematic, this was not necessarily the case among our respondents. While a racial mismatch between expressed and observed identifications was a common experience for these individuals, they varied considerably in terms of how they responded to such occurrences, so that they could feel: (1) misrecognized (and there were differential bases and experiences of misrecognition); (2) positive about the mismatch; or (3) indifferent to how others racially categorized them in their day-to-day interactions. Some differences in responses to such mismatch emerged among disparate types of mixed people. This study also found that we need to consider national identity, and other forms of belonging, in making sense of the diverse and often multilayered identifications and experiences of mixed race young people in Britain.

Read or purchase the article here.

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