• Portrait of the Artist as a Black Man

    Solstice: A Magazine of Diverse Voices
    Summer 2021

    Herb Harris
    Arlington, Virginia

    When you turn the corner
    And you run into yourself
    Then you know that you have turned
    All the corners that are left

    Langston Hughes

    The more I stared at the drawing, the more alien and unrecognizable it became. I had labored over every line, but it was not the person I intended to draw. It began as a self portrait, but a stranger emerged who had been living somewhere within me. He was now crashing through the page.

    I am a descendant of slaves and their owners. This contradiction manifests itself in every aspect of my physical appearance. My beige skin is light enough to pass as white. My angular nose and thin lips corroborate this story. My almond-shaped brown eyes are deep-set and give little clue to my identity. My hair might give me away, but its loose brown curls suggest to most people some vaguely white-ish ethnicity rather than an African origin. In general, people take in these details and read the whole as white. When I tell others that I am black, this usually requires a lengthy explanation that stretches back into little-known aspects of the history of slavery. I have to explain to people, who often seem to be hearing it for the first time, that sexual exploitation of slaves was so widespread that most black people in the United States today have some degree of European heritage. They generally imagine some version of a sanitized mythology that involves consensual romance.

    “You mean like Sally Hemmings and Thomas Jefferson?”

    “No, I mean like rape.”…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Afro-Latinos in the U.S. Economy

    Lexington Books
    May 2021
    174 pages
    Trim: 6½ x 9
    Hardback ISBN: 978-1-4985-4624-9
    eBook ISBN: 978-1-4985-4625-6

    Michelle Holder, Associate Professor of Economics
    John Jay College, City University of New York

    Alan A. Aja, Professor of Puerto Rican and Latino Studies
    Brooklyn College, City University of New York

    Afro-Latinos in the U.S. Economy outlines the current position and status of Afro-Latinxs in the economy of the United States. Very little research has thus far been disseminated in the field of economics on the contributions of Afro-Latinxs regarding income and wealth, labor market status, occupational mobility, and educational attainment. On the other hand, cultural studies, literary criticism, and social science fields have produced more research on Afro-Latinxs; the discipline of economics is, thus, significantly behind the curve in exploring the economic dimensions of this group. While the Afro-Latinx community constitutes a comparatively small segment of the U.S. population, and is often viewed as the nexus between two of the country’s largest minority groups—African Americans and Latinxs, who comprise 13 percent and 17 percent, respectively, of the U.S. population—Holder and Aja outline how the group’s unique economic position is different than non-black Latinxs. Despite possessing higher levels of education relative to the Latinx community as a whole, U.S. Afro-Latinxs do not experience expected returns in income and earnings, underscoring the role anti-Blackness plays in everyday life regardless of ancestral origin. The goal of this book is to provide a foundation in the economic dimensions of Afro-Latinxs in the U.S. which can be used to both complement and supplement research conducted on this group in other major disciplines.

    Table of Contents

    • Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION –DEMOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT
    • Chapter 2: INCOME, POVERTY AND WEALTH AMONG AFRO LATINXS
    • Chapter 3: THE LABOR MARKET STATUS OF AFRO-LATINXS
    • Chapter 4: AFRO-LATINAS IN THE U.S.
    • Chapter 5: AFRO-LATINXS AND INCARCERATION
    • Chapter 6: AFRO–LATINXS, DISCRIMINATION AND THE NEED FOR BOLD POLICIES AND MOVEMENTS
  • Episode 154: Boundaries of Love: Interracial Marriages and the Meaning of Race

    Black and Highly Dangerous
    2020-12-13

    Tyrell Connor, Co-host and Assistant Professor of Sociology
    State University of New York, New Paltz

    Daphne Michelle, Visiting fellow in Education
    Harvard University Graduate School of Arts and Science

    For today’s episode, we explore how interracial couples navigate racial boundaries by interviewing Dr. Chinyere Osuji, an Assistant Professor at Rutgers University-Camden and author of Boundaries of Love: Interracial Marriage and the Meaning of Race. During the conversation, we discuss her motivation for writing the book (43:10), her decision to conduct research in the U.S. and Brazil (45:50), and the notion of interracial marriage as a potential solution to racism (48:28). We also explore how her identity as a Black woman shaped her conversations with couples about interracial dating (52:25), trends related to why people pursued interracial relationships (55:30), how couples navigated public life and boundary policing (1:04:15), how interracial couples think about their children’s racial identity (1:11:00), and how couples navigate discussions about race (1:16:02). We close the interview by discussing her upcoming project (1:19:50).

    Listen to the interview here.

  • Behind the Surprising Jump in Multiracial Americans, Several Theories

    The New York Times
    2021-08-13

    Sabrina Tavernise, National Correspondent

    Tariro Mzezewa, National Correspondent

    Giulia Heyward, 2021-2022 reporting fellow for the National desk


    Kori Alexis Trataros, of White Plains, N.Y., sees generational differences in how Americans think about race. “Our generation is so great at having open conversation,” she said. Janick Gilpin for The New York Times

    Families across the country have grown more diverse. A design change in the census form also allowed the government to report people’s identity in greater detail.

    WASHINGTON — The Census Bureau released a surprising finding this week: The number of non-Hispanic Americans who identify as multiracial had jumped by 127 percent over the decade. For people who identified as Hispanic, the increase was even higher.

    The spike sent demographers scrambling. Was the reason simply that more multiracial babies were being born? Or that Americans were rethinking their identities? Or had a design change in this year’s census form caused the sudden, unexpected shift?

    The answer, it seems, is all of the above.

    Multiracial Americans are still a relatively small part of the population but the increase over the decade was substantial and, the data shows, often surprising in its geography. The number of Americans who identified as non-Hispanic and more than one race jumped to 13.5 million from 6 million. The number of Hispanic Americans who identify as multiracial grew to 20.3 million from 3 million. In all, the two groups now represent about 10 percent of the population.

    The largest increase in non-Hispanic Americans of two or more races was in Oklahoma, followed by Alaska and Arkansas.

    Americans who were mixed race recorded a wide range of identities. People who identified themselves as both white and Asian made up about 18 percent of the total number of non-Hispanic multiracial Americans in 2020. Those who reported their race as both white and Black accounted for 20.5 percent. Americans who were both white and Native American were 26 percent of the total, according to Andrew Beveridge, who founded Social Explorer, a data analytics company…

    Read the entire article here.

  • If doctors and clinical educators rigorously analyze algorithms that include race correction, they can judge, with fresh eyes, whether the use of race or ethnicity is appropriate. In many cases, this appraisal will require further research into the complex interactions among ancestry, race, racism, socioeconomic status, and environment. Much of the burden of this work falls on the researchers who propose race adjustment and on the institutions (e.g., professional societies, clinical laboratories) that endorse and implement clinical algorithms. But clinicians can be thoughtful and deliberate users. They can discern whether the correction is likely to relieve or exacerbate inequities. If the latter, then clinicians should examine whether the correction is warranted. Some tools, including eGFR and the VBAC calculator, have already been challenged; clinicians have advocated successfully for their institutions to remove the adjustment for race.43,44 Other algorithms may succumb to similar scrutiny.45 A full reckoning will require medical specialties to critically appraise their tools and revise them when indicated.

    Darshali A. Vyas, Leo G. Eisenstein, and David S. Jones, “Hidden in Plain Sight — Reconsidering the Use of Race Correction in Clinical Algorithms,” The New England Journal of Medicine, Volume 2020, Number 383, 882. https://dx.doi.org/10.1056/NEJMms2004740.

  • Race and ethnicity highlights:

    • The White population remained the largest race or ethnicity group in the United States, with 204.3 million people identifying as White alone. Overall, 235.4 million people reported White alone or in combination with another group. However, the White alone population decreased by 8.6% since 2010.
    • The Two or More Races population (also referred to as the Multiracial population) has changed considerably since 2010. The Multiracial population was measured at 9 million people in 2010 and is now 33.8 million people in 2020, a 276% increase.
    • The “in combination” multiracial populations for all race groups accounted for most of the overall changes in each racial category.
    • All of the race alone or in combination groups experienced increases. The Some Other Race alone or in combination group (49.9 million) increased 129%, surpassing the Black or African American population (46.9 million) as the second-largest race alone or in combination group.
    • The next largest racial populations were the Asian alone or in combination group (24 million), the American Indian and Alaska Native alone or in combination group (9.7 million), and the Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander alone or in combination group (1.6 million).
    • The Hispanic or Latino population, which includes people of any race, was 62.1 million in 2020. The Hispanic or Latino population grew 23%, while the population that was not of Hispanic or Latino origin grew 4.3% since 2010.

    It is important to note that these data comparisons between the 2020 Census and 2010 Census race data should be made with caution, taking into account the improvements we have made to the Hispanic origin and race questions and the ways we code what people tell us.

    United States Census Bureau, “2020 Census Statistics Highlight Local Population Changes and Nation’s Racial and Ethnic Diversity,” Release Number CB21-CN.55, August 12, 2021. https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/population-changes-nations-diversity.html.

  • How scientists are subtracting race from medical risk calculators

    Science Magazine
    2021-07-22

    Jyoti Madhusoodanan
    Portland, Oregon


    Anuj Shrestha

    To pediatrician Nader Shaikh, the rhythm of treating babies running high fevers is familiar. After ruling out the obvious colds and other common viruses, he must often thread a catheter into a months-old baby to draw a urine sample and check for a urinary tract infection (UTI). “You have to hold the baby down, the baby’s crying, the mother is usually crying too,” says Shaikh, who works at the University of Pittsburgh. “It’s traumatic.”

    UTIs, although relatively rare in children under age 2, carry a high risk of kidney damage in this group if left untreated. Often, the only symptom is a high fever. But high fevers can also signal a brain or blood infection, or a dozen other illnesses that can be diagnosed without a urine sample. To help clinicians avoid the unnecessary pain and expense of catheterizing a shrieking infant, Shaikh and his colleagues developed an equation that gauges a child’s risk of a UTI based on age, fever, circumcision status, gender, and other factors—including whether the child is Black or white. Race is part of the equation because previous studies found that—for reasons that aren’t clear—UTIs are far less common in Black children than in white ones.

    The UTI algorithm is only one of several risk calculators that factor in race, which doctors routinely use to make decisions about patients’ care. Some help them decide what tests to perform next or which patients to refer to a specialist. Others help gauge a patient’s lung health, their ability to donate a liver or kidney, or which diabetes medicines they need.

    In the past few years, however, U.S. doctors and students reckoning with racism in medicine have questioned the use of algorithms that include race as a variable. Their efforts gained momentum thanks to the Black Lives Matter movement. In August 2020, a commentary published in The New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) highlighted the use of race in calculators as a problem “hidden in plain sight.” It’s widely agreed that race is a classification system designed by humans that lacks a genetic basis, says Darshali Vyas, a medical resident at Massachusetts General Hospital and co-author on the paper. “There’s a tension between that [understanding] and how we see race being used … as an input variable in these equations,” Vyas says. “Many times, there’s an assumption that race is relevant in a biological sense.”…

    Read the entire article here.

  • Hidden in Plain Sight — Reconsidering the Use of Race Correction in Clinical Algorithms

    The New England Journal of Medicine
    Volume 2020, Number 383
    pages 874-882
    2020-08-27 (published on 2020-06-17, at NEJM.org.)
    DOI: 10.1056/NEJMms2004740

    Darshali A. Vyas, M.D., Resident Physician
    Department of Medicine, Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts
    Department of Global Health and Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts
    Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts

    Leo G. Eisenstein, M.D., Resident Physician
    New York University Langone Medical Center, New York, New York

    David S. Jones, M.D., Ph.D., A. Bernard Ackerman Professor of the Culture of Medicine
    Department of Medicine, Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts
    Department of Global Health and Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts

    Physicians still lack consensus on the meaning of race. When the Journal took up the topic in 2003 with a debate about the role of race in medicine, one side argued that racial and ethnic categories reflected underlying population genetics and could be clinically useful.1 Others held that any small benefit was outweighed by potential harms that arose from the long, rotten history of racism in medicine.2 Weighing the two sides, the accompanying Perspective article concluded that though the concept of race was “fraught with sensitivities and fueled by past abuses and the potential for future abuses,” race-based medicine still had potential: “it seems unwise to abandon the practice of recording race when we have barely begun to understand the architecture of the human genome.”3

    The next year, a randomized trial showed that a combination of hydralazine and isosorbide dinitrate reduced mortality due to heart failure among patients who identified themselves as black. The Food and Drug Administration granted a race-specific indication for that product, BiDil, in 2005.4 Even though BiDil’s ultimate commercial failure cast doubt on race-based medicine, it did not lay the approach to rest. Prominent geneticists have repeatedly called on physicians to take race seriously,5,6 while distinguished social scientists vehemently contest these calls.7,8

    Our understanding of race and human genetics has advanced considerably since 2003, yet these insights have not led to clear guidelines on the use of race in medicine. The result is ongoing conflict between the latest insights from population genetics and the clinical implementation of race. For example, despite mounting evidence that race is not a reliable proxy for genetic difference, the belief that it is has become embedded, sometimes insidiously, within medical practice. One subtle insertion of race into medicine involves diagnostic algorithms and practice guidelines that adjust or “correct” their outputs on the basis of a patient’s race or ethnicity. Physicians use these algorithms to individualize risk assessment and guide clinical decisions. By embedding race into the basic data and decisions of health care, these algorithms propagate race-based medicine. Many of these race-adjusted algorithms guide decisions in ways that may direct more attention or resources to white patients than to members of racial and ethnic minorities…

    Read the entire in PDF or HTML format.

  • Becoming American in Creole New Orleans, 1896–1949

    Louisiana State University Press
    July 2021
    224 pages
    5.50 x 8.50 inches
    no illustrations
    Hardcover ISBN: 9780807175477

    Darryl Barthé Jr., Lecturer in History
    Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire

    Extensive scholarship has emerged within the last twenty-five years on the role of Louisiana Creoles in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, yet academic work on the history of Creoles in New Orleans after the Civil War and into the twentieth century remains sparse. Darryl Barthé Jr.’s Becoming American in Creole New Orleans moves the history of New Orleans’ Creole community forward, documenting the process of “becoming American” through Creoles’ encounters with Anglo-American modernism. Barthé tracks this ethnic transformation through an interrogation of New Orleans’s voluntary associations and social sodalities, as well as its public and parochial schools, where Creole linguistic distinctiveness faded over the twentieth century because of English-only education and the establishment of Anglo-American economic hegemony.

    Barthé argues that despite the existence of ethnic repression, the transition from Creole to American identity was largely voluntary as Creoles embraced the economic opportunities afforded to them through learning English. “Becoming American” entailed the adoption of a distinctly American language and a distinctly American racialized caste system. Navigating that caste system was always tricky for Creoles, who had existed in between French and Spanish color lines that recognized them as a group separate from Europeans, Africans, and Amerindians even though they often shared kinship ties with all of these groups. Creoles responded to the pressures associated with the demands of the American caste system by passing as white people (completely or situationally) or, more often, redefining themselves as Blacks.

    Becoming American in Creole New Orleans offers a critical comparative analysis of “Creolization” and “Americanization,” social processes that often worked in opposition to each another during the nineteenth century and that would continue to frame the limits of Creole identity and cultural expression in New Orleans until the mid-twentieth century. As such, it offers intersectional engagement with subjects that have historically fallen under the purview of sociology, anthropology, and critical theory, including discourses on whiteness, métissage/métisajé, and critical mixed-race theory.

  • 2020 Census Statistics Highlight Local Population Changes and Nation’s Racial and Ethnic Diversity

    United States Census Bureau
    2021-08-12
    Release Number CB21-CN.55

    U.S. Census Bureau Delivers Data for States to Begin Redistricting Efforts

    AUG. 12, 2021 — The U.S. Census Bureau today released additional 2020 Census results showing an increase in the population of U.S. metro areas compared to a decade ago. In addition, these once-a-decade results showed the nation’s diversity in how people identify their race and ethnicity.

    “We are excited to reach this milestone of delivering the first detailed statistics from the 2020 Census,” said acting Census Bureau Director Ron Jarmin. “We appreciate the public’s patience as Census Bureau staff worked diligently to process these data and ensure it meets our quality standards.”

    These statistics, which come from the 2020 Census Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Summary File, provide the first look at populations for small areas and include information on Hispanic origin, race, age 18 and over, housing occupancy and group quarters. They represent where people were living as of April 1, 2020, and are available for the nation, states and communities down to the block level.

    The Census Bureau also released data visualizations, America Counts stories, and videos to help illustrate and explain these data. These resources are available on the 2020 Census results page. Advanced users can access these data on the FTP site

    …Race and ethnicity highlights:

    • The White population remained the largest race or ethnicity group in the United States, with 204.3 million people identifying as White alone. Overall, 235.4 million people reported White alone or in combination with another group. However, the White alone population decreased by 8.6% since 2010.
    • The Two or More Races population (also referred to as the Multiracial population) has changed considerably since 2010. The Multiracial population was measured at 9 million people in 2010 and is now 33.8 million people in 2020, a 276% increase.
    • The “in combination” multiracial populations for all race groups accounted for most of the overall changes in each racial category…

    Read the entire news release here.