Mixed Race Studies

Covering Multiracial America Requires Historical Perspective

Maynard Media Center on Structural Inequity
Maynard Institute
2012-11-14

Nadra Kareem Nittle

Although people of mixed races have lived in the United States for centuries, authorities on multiracial identity say mainstream media continue to report on these people as if they are a new phenomenon.

In 1619, the first slaves were brought to Britain’s North American colonies. The following year, says Audrey Smedley, professor emerita of anthropology and African American studies at Virginia Commonwealth University, the first “mulatto” child was born. Thus, mixed-race people have a long history in this country, disproving the notion often mentioned today that miscegenation will somehow magically cure racism.

Most major stereotypes about multiracial people in America historically involved individuals whose heritage was black and white or Native American and white. Such people were largely thought to yearn for the same advantages as whites but found them off-limits because of the “one-drop rule,” which originated in the South and mandated that just a drop of black blood meant they were of color.

In the 21st century, newer stereotypes about multiracial people have gained popularity. Rainier Spencer, founder and director of the Afro-American Studies Program and senior adviser to the president at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, says contemporary media coverage of mixed-race people isn’t filled with tragic mulattoes but with docile symbols of a colorblind America yet to reach fruition.

“Multiracial people are infantilized,” Spencer says. “They [the media] don’t treat them as fully capable agents. Mixed-race people are quiet and happy, and they don’t complain. They’re our postracial future.”

Spencer, author of “Reproducing Race: The Paradox of Generation Mix,” cautions that these notions are dangerous. The stereotype that multiracial people represent a bridge between races that will soon eradicate bigotry ignores the fact that such people were in North America more than a century before U.S. independence and that racism remains a reality.

This idea also lets the establishment off the hook, he says. “If mixed-race people are going to take us to a postracial destiny, then the power structure doesn’t have to worry about it. It’s very convenient.”…

…In 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau permitted declaring more than one race on census forms. In the subsequent decade, several published articles reported that the mixed-race population was increasing, especially among young people.

But Heidi W. Durrow, who grew up as the only daughter of an African-American father and a Danish mother, would like to see news stories about multiracial people that don’t revolve around census figures…

…Laura Kina, a founding member of the Critical Mixed Race Studies biennial conference and associate professor of Art, Media and Design at DePaul University, has similar concerns. She considers the idea that mixed-race people are new to be a stereotype. “They go back a very long ways,” she says.

Kina is the daughter of an Okinawan father from Hawaii and a Spanish-Basque/Anglo mother, according to her website…

…Dominique DiPrima, host of Los Angeles radio show “The Front Page,” takes issue with the concept of multiracialism because she disputes the concept of race. “I think the media should differentiate between culture, ethnicity and race,” says DiPrima, daughter of Italian-American poet Diane di Prima and African-American writer Amiri Baraka…

Read the entire article here.

Carnival, Convents, and the Cult of St. Rocque: Cultural Subterfuge in the Work of Alice Dunbar-Nelson

Georgia State University
2012-08-09
57 pages

Sibongile B. N. Lynch

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University 2012

In the work of Alice Dunbar-Nelson the city and culture of 19th century New Orleans figures prominently, and is a major character affecting the lives of her protagonists. While race, class, and gender are among the focuses of many scholars the eccentricity and cultural history of the most exotic American city, and its impact on Dunbar-Nelson’s writing is unmistakable. This essay will discuss how the diverse cultural environment of New Orleans in the 19th century allowed Alice Dunbar Nelson to create narratives which allowed her short stories to speak to the shifting identities of women and the social uncertainty of African Americans in the Jim Crow south. A consideration of New Orleans’ cultural history is important when reading Dunbar-Nelson’s work, whose significance has often been disregarded because of what some considered its lack of racial markers.

Read the entire thesis here.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

• ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
• INTRODUCTION
• 1. “CREOLES OF ANY COLOR”
• 2. CARNIVAL AND CULTURAL SUBTERFUGE
• 3. CONVENTS AND CULTS
• CONCLUSION
• BIBLIOGRAPHY

Curious Studies of Mixed Bloods in the West Indies

Timaru Herald
Timaru, New Zealand
Volume XXXVI, Issue 2366
1882-04-22
page 3
Source: Papers Past, National Library of New Zealand Te Puna Mātauranga o Aotearoa

The following is contributed by the Paris correspondent of the New Orleans Picayune—There has been an interesting diicussion on the negro question m the French West Indies, carried on in two of our newspapers. An argument in one of them presents views which are so new to me that I have thought they may be novel to you, and so I translate the rejoinder. It was made to an article written to break down the prejudice of color, which keeps wide apart in Martinique white men and negroes. It ways “Unfortunately, the separation of whites and blacks is not caused by a mere prejudice. It is not a vain, stupid pride which leads whites to exclude negroes from their society. Our opponent imagines that ’emancipation, taking their privilege from whites, led the latter to make more of point of pride than ever to keep from confounding with people whom the law had as their equals.’ We must tell our opponent that pride had nothing to do with the separation of color. If the whites kept aloof from the negroes it was because equality made marriages possible socially, alliances which, unfortunately, considered anthropologically, would lead to the most disastrous consequences. There is a physiological law which must be deplored, for negros often deserve great sympathy; but this law must be brought to the knowledge of France, because Frenchmen are ignorant of it, and because this law explains the greater part of these differences which are wrongly attributed to politics. A great many observations have demonstrated that it is, so to say, impossible for a negro family, even after an infinite series of marriages with whites, to change completely the nature of their blood, while if a white family do but once marry with a negro, they lose for ever the purity of their race. In France we call mulatto all persons who are neither black nor white. In the colonies mulatto is applied only to tho offspring of a white man and a negress. After the first cross the children are classed by a scale whose degrees are very numerous, and depends whether the mulattress allies herself to blacks or whites. The first, second, third, or fourth degrees especially have distinct names; two mark the preponderance of white blood, two of negro. If the mulattress ally herself to a negro, the child is called a cafres; if the cafresse ally herself also to a negro, the child is called a griffe. On the contrary, if the mulattress ally herself to a white, the child is called mestif: if the mestive, too, ally herself to a white the child is called quadroon. The terrible consequences of the physiological law mentioned is this:—If the woman be of a more swarthy color than the man to whom she allies herself, the child’s color is like the mother’s color. If the father’s color be the blackest, the child’s color is like the father’s color. When two portons of tho same color are allied, their children are blacker than their parents, and curiously enough the second child is blacker than the first, the third blacker than the second, and so on. In fine, it is beyond doubt that a mixed population, left to themselves, are fatally destined to become negroes in a very few generations. We must add another and still more deplorable fact. It will explain the causes which have compelled the separation between whites and negroes, which cannot possibly be removed. On a plantation in one of the Lesser Antilles une mestive was born of a mulattress mother and a white father. This mestive became the mother of a quadroon. All the daughters of the successive alliances were for six generations allied to white men. Only boys issued from the seventh alliance. At the same time similar phenomena were observed on a neighboring plantation, but here only girls issued from the seventh alliance. The two last children of these seven alliances were married to whites. They were of remarkable beauty; their hair was of the lighter blond nothing about them retained anything of the African race; their skin was so white that they would easily hive been taken, not only for children of northern climes, but even for Albinos, had they not been so graceful and vigorous, so intellectual, nay, so brilliant. Well, their children were more than swarthy, and their grandchildren very dark mulattos. After these indisputable facts, we may well ask how many successive alliances with whites would be necessary to make all trace of black blood disappear? Could the result ever be attained? It may. From these facts, easily be seen why Creole females of pure while blood are averse to ever allying themselves with persons whose veins contain the least drop of negro blood. After a first marriage with this tainted blood, a second fault of that same sort would transform that white family that is to say, this European family, able at any time to return to Europe, to France, and reassume the social position it had before immigration—a second fault would transform it into a family of mulattos, and from mulatto to negro the road is short. We would be of the opinion of our opponent, and would hold with him, that we should lift up completely negroes to the level of whites, to make of them real Frenchmen, to subject them to the military draft, and make them serve in the garrisons of France as well aa of the colonies. Alas! a serious objection to this scheme exists—an objection whose importance Napoleon I saw, eager as he was to aeek soldiers everywhere. He said: “French blood would be soon tainted, and France would be menaced with possessing in a few years a great many persons of mixed blood.”

Paradigm Lost: Race, Ethnicity, and the Search for a New Population Taxonomy

American Journal of Public Health
Volume 91, Number 7 (July 2001)
pages 1049-1056
DOI: 10.2105/AJPH.91.7.1049

Gerald M. Oppenheimer, Professor of Clinical Sociomedical Sciences
Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health

The Institute of Medicine (IOM) recently recommended that the National Institutes of Health (NIH) reevaluate its employment of “race,” a concept lacking scientific or anthropological justification, in cancer surveillance and other population research. The IOM advised the NIH to use a different population classification, that of “ethnic group,” instead of “race.” A relatively new term, according to the IOM, “ethnic group” would turn research attention away from biological determinism and toward a focus on culture and behavior.

This article examines the historically central role of racial categorization and its relationship to racism in the United States and questions whether dropping “race” from population taxonomies is either possible or, at least in the short run, preferable. In addition, a historical examination of “ethnicity” and “ethnic group” finds that these concepts, as used in the United States, derive in part from race and immigration and are not neutral terms; instead, they carry their own burden of political, social, and ideological meaning.

Read the entire article here.

‘The Black Count:’ the epic true story behind ‘The Count of Monte Cristo’

The Seattle Times
2012-11-16

Tyrone Beason

Tom Reiss’ swashbuckling new book, “The Black Count,” tells the true story of Alex Dumas, son of a French nobleman and an African slave, the father of author Alexandre Dumas and the inspiration for the younger Dumas’ classic novel “The Count of Monte Cristo.”

The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal and the Real Count of Monte Cristo by Tom Reiss Crown, 414 pp.

There are no statues in monument-laden France commemorating the legendary 18th century swordsman and general Alex Dumas, whose son Alexandre based literary classics like “The Three Musketeers” and “The Count of Monte Cristo” on scenes from the elder’s epic life story.

It’s a sad civic oversight, but nothing compared to the tragic decline suffered by the novelist’s heroic father as laid out in Tom Reiss’ fascinating, and dare to say, swashbuckling new biography, “The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal and the Real Count of Monte Cristo.”

It turns out that the heroes in those classics are modeled on a black man who was born in 1762 in the French colony of Haiti. Alex Dumas was the son of a wayward French nobleman and an African slave, and it is his biracial identity that adds such rich complexity to his rise through the ranks of the French military to become one of the most beloved generals of his time, arguably even more admired than Napoleon, a fact that probably didn’t sit well with the megalomaniacal future ruler.

It was Napoleon who tapped Dumas to command the cavalry that invaded Egypt, an enormous, and as it turns out, fateful honor.

“The Black Count” meticulously evokes the spirit of Revolutionary and Napoleonic France, but it also explains the exasperating paradox of a nation that was simultaneously a huge slaveholding empire and the pioneering exponent of the concept of “liberté, egalité, fraternité.”

Let’s not forget the context. By the 1750s, black slaves taken to France were able to sue their masters for freedom. After the French Revolution in 1793, special schools were set up in France to educate the children of “revolutionaries of color” from the colonies. Black and mixed-race politicians were allowed to serve in the national government…

Read the entire review here.

Zakes Mda: The Madonna of Excelsior

Muthal Naidoo: Published Books, Plays, Poems and Articles
2011-11-01

Muthal Naidoo

(2002. Cape Town. Oxford University Press)
 
The Immorality Act of 1927, which prohibited sex between Blacks and Whites, was amended in 1950 to prohibit sex between Whites and all non-Whites. Zakes Mda bases his novel, The Madonna of Excelsior, on the 1971 case in which 19 people from Excelsior were charged under the Immorality Act. He traces the lives of Niki, one of the accused, and her children Viliki and Popi, and the effects of the ‘illicit’ activities on their lives and those of the people around them.

Niki, the Madonna of Excelsior, lives in Mahlaswetsa, the black township of Excelsior. She and several other women fall prey to circumstances of poverty and become involved with white men from Excelsior. When the women give birth to white babies, fourteen of them are arrested and put on trial with five white men. But the case comes to nothing; the Minister of Justice withdraws the charges. And there are no fathers of the white babies of black women. This attempt to wipe out the whole event and pretend it never happened may have succeeded in the rest of the country but in Excelsior it lives on in the shame that families both black and white feel, in the many ‘coloured’ children walking the streets, in the unacknowledged connections that they represent. And especially in Popi’s hatred of herself. People call her ‘boesman” and she is ashamed of her blonde hair, blue eyes and hairy legs. She has a white half-brother whom she does not acknowledge and clings to the memory of her black father…

Read the entire review here.

Political Racism in the Age of Obama

The New York Times
2012-11-10

Steven Hahn, Roy F. and Jeannette P. Nichols Professor of History
University of Pennsylvania

The white students at Ole Miss who greeted President Obama’s decisive re-election with racial slurs and nasty disruptions on Tuesday night show that the long shadows of race still hang eerily over us. Four years ago, when Mr. Obama became our first African-American president by putting together an impressive coalition of white, black and Latino voters, it might have appeared otherwise. Some observers even insisted that we had entered a “post-racial” era.

But while that cross-racial and ethnic coalition figured significantly in Mr. Obama’s re-election last week, it has frayed over time — and may in fact have been weaker than we imagined to begin with. For close to the surface lies a political racism that harks back 150 years to the time of Reconstruction, when African-Americans won citizenship rights. Black men also won the right to vote and contested for power where they had previously been enslaved…

…By the early 20th century the message was clear: black people did not belong in American political society and had no business wielding power over white people. This attitude has died hard. It is not, in fact, dead. Despite the achievements of the civil rights movement, African-Americans have seldom been elected to office from white-majority districts; only three, including Mr. Obama, have been elected to the United States Senate since Reconstruction, and they have been from either Illinois or Massachusetts.

The truth is that in the post-Civil War South few whites ever voted for black officeseekers, and the legacy of their refusal remains with us in a variety of forms. The depiction of Mr. Obama as a Kenyan, an Indonesian, an African tribal chief, a foreign Muslim — in other words, as a man fundamentally ineligible to be our president — is perhaps the most searing. Tellingly, it is a charge never brought against any of his predecessors…

Read the entire opinion piece here.

Indigenous Giles stands by Abbott

NT News
Darwin, Northern Territory, Australia
2012-11-15

Nigel Adlam

TERRITORY indigenous politician Adam Giles has refused to condemn Tony Abbott.

Mr Abbott said Alison Anderson was an “authentic representative” of ancient Central Australian culture but mixed-race MP Ken Wyatt was “not a man of culture”.
 
Mr Giles also refused to criticise the Coalition leader for not including him in a list of the NT’s Aboriginal Members of the Legislative Assembly…
 
But Mr Giles did warn that Aboriginality was a “sensitive subject”.
 
“Sometimes the smallest word can get the hairs on your back going,” he said.
 
Mr Abbott said he wanted to increase indigenous representation in the national parliament.

But he seemed to blunder into the “who’s an Aborigine?” minefield when he then made the comparison with Mr Wyatt – calling him an “urban Aboriginal”.
 
Mr Abbott’s office yesterday said he had not been implying Mr Wyatt was not indigenous…
 
Mr Giles said he wouldn’t get involved in the argument about “who is more authentic”.
 
“It’s abhorrent,” he said.
 
“All indigenous people know who they are.”
 
In a seeming reference to the difference between mixed-race people and full-blooded Aborigines, the Transport Minister said: “I know how many indigenous Australians have a hole in their heart in wanting for cultural enrichment…
 
Read the entire article here.

For most of my life, I primarily identified as biracial, multiracial, or mixed, but over the last year, where I’ve encountered more racism and privilege than I have in the 40-something previous years—and that includes 18 years in Virginia—I notice that I’m more likely to identify as Black. This jives with my own dissertation findings that biracial individuals identify as how they’re treated, not how they see themselves.

Johanna Workman, Facebook Post, November 14, 2012. http://www.facebook.com/#!/johanna.workman.96/posts/4746274822162.

“I’m not black,” Joyce said. “I’m multiracial.” Then she started telling me about her father, who happened to be Italian and was the sweetest man in the world; and her mother who happened to be part African and part French and part Native American and part something else. “Why should I have to choose between them?” she asked me. Her voice cracked, and I thought she was going to cry.  “It’s not white people who are making me choose. Maybe it used to be that way, but now they’re willing to treat me like a person. No—it’s black people who always have to make everything racial. They’re the ones making me choose.  They’re the ones who are telling me I can’t be who I am…”

“They, they, they.  That was the problem with people like Joyce.  They talked about the richness of their multicultural heritage and it sounded real good, until you noticed that they avoided black people.  It wasn’t a matter of conscious choice, necessarily, just a matter of gravitational pull, the way integration always worked, a one-way street.  The minority assimilated into the dominant culture, not the other way around.  Only white culture could be neutral and objective.  Only white culture could be nonracial, willing to adopt the occasion exotic into its ranks.  Only white culture had individuals.  And, we the half-breeds and college-degreed, take a survey of the situation and think to ourselves, Why should we get lumped in with the losers if we don’t have to?  We become only so grateful to lose ourselves in the crowd, America’s happy, faceless marketplace; and we’re never so outraged as when a cabbie drives past us or the woman in the elevator clutches her purse, not so much because we’re bothered by the fact that such indignities are what less fortunate coloreds have to put up with every single day of their lives—although that’s what we tell ourselves—but because we’re wearing a Brooks Brothers suite and speak impeccable English and yet somehow have somehow been mistaken for an ordinary nigger.”

Barack Obama, Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, (New York: Three Rivers Press, 1995), 99-100.