Estimating Genetic Ancestry Proportions from Faces

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Media Archive on 2012-07-11 22:48Z by Steven

Estimating Genetic Ancestry Proportions from Faces

PLoS ONE
Volume 4, Number 2, e4460 (February 2009)
8 pages
DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0004460

Yann C. Klimentidis
Department of Biostatistics
University of Alabama, Birmingham

Mark D. Shriver, Associate Professor of Anthropology
Pennsylvania State University

Ethnicity can be a means by which people identify themselves and others. This type of identification mediates many kinds of social interactions and may reflect adaptations to a long history of group living in humans. Recent admixture in the US between groups from different continents, and the historically strong emphasis on phenotypic differences between members of these groups, presents an opportunity to examine the degree of concordance between estimates of group membership based on genetic markers and on visually-based estimates of facial features. We first measured the degree of Native American, European, African and East Asian genetic admixture in a sample of 14 self-identified Hispanic individuals, chosen to cover a broad range of Native American and European genetic admixture proportions. We showed frontal and side-view photographs of the 14 individuals to 241 subjects living in New Mexico, and asked them to estimate the degree of NA admixture for each individual. We assess the overall concordance for each observer based on an aggregated measure of the difference between the observer and the genetic estimates. We find that observers reach a significantly higher degree of concordance than expected by chance, and that the degree of concordance as well as the direction of the discrepancy in estimates differs based on the ethnicity of the observer, but not on the observers’ age or sex. This study highlights the potentially high degree of discordance between physical appearance and genetic measures of ethnicity, as well as how perceptions of ethnic affiliation are context-specific. We compare our findings to those of previous studies and discuss their implications.

Read the entire article here.

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Life in the South

Posted in Articles, Media Archive, United States on 2012-07-11 22:21Z by Steven

Life in the South

Franklin Repository
Franklin County, Virginia
1867-01-23
page 2, column 3

Source: Valley of the Shadow: Civil War Era Newspapers, University of Virginia Library

The report provides a bleak assessment of life in post-war South Carolina, particularly for union men and blacks who “are at the mercy of a set of wretches, as unprincipled as they are cruel.” The war may have brought about the destruction of the Confederacy, relates the piece, but the outcome has had little impact on everyday life; the antebellum elite continues to rule over society and the ex-slaves are virtually powerless to defend themselves from violence perpetrated by whites.

A friend who is spending the winter in South Carolina for his health, writes us as follows from Charleston, as to the condition of the Freedmen and society generally among the chivalry. It is indeed a painful chapter of human degradation, treason, brutality and misery:

You know that any code of laws suited to a system of slavery must necessarily be barbarous, suited to the 14th or 15th century, but not to the 19th. Civil law here means power to the wealthy few to do as they please, but there is no law for the “poor white,” the Union man, or the Moke. Civil law whips for theft, hangs for larceny and burglary, and as you may have seen from the papers, they have a man now in Walterboro jail sentenced to death, for highway robbery, in that, he took while in our army, and upon a foraging expedition under orders, a wagon load of bacon. He was to have been hung on Jan. 4th or 7th, but an intimation having been given from the headquarters here that most probably their amusement would be interfered with, the Governor has respited him until Feb. 1st. A report of the investigation has been forwarded to the President; what he will do, who knows? The President has disapproved Gen. Howard’s order “to establish Bureau Courts where necessary,” in accordance with the Bureau bill, and consequently there is no protection of any kind for the Freedmen; they are at the mercy of a set of wretches, as unprincipled as they are cruel. What power the President has to set aside any provision of a law passed by Congress, we don’t know; [illeg] that as Commander in Chief of the Army, he can render any law of Congress a farce, by refusing the power necessary to enforce obedience, we do know, and we know also that this is just the situation here. The only thing the U. S. forces here now are doing, is aiding a half civilized people to reduce a defenseless herd to a worse condition than slavery ever was. Should Moke object to being shot and beaten, to being robbed, plundered and cheated, and exercise the right of self defense, these cowardly wolves call at once on the military for aid, in the name of civil law, and it is given; the President has ordered it. The officers of the Bureau are now mere advisory protectors no more, and are compelled to stand powerless and see, and listen, to acts and complaints that make the blood boil.

We’ll state a few instances of what is occurring all over the State. On Christmas eve and day, four Freedmen were murdered on the streets of this city, and a number more cut and stabbed. In Edgefield, on Friday, one of these kind, gentle massas, a high-toned chivalry, chopped the head off a Freedman with an axe.

Over near Lawtonville they work the Moke under the lash, as of yore, in the cotton field and at the port, and extend to him all the other kindnesses of the old system. One high bred Southern gentleman, brim full of the milk of human kindness, boasts that he has shot eighteen niggers. That dozens of these poor creatures are murdered and left to rot in the woods, of whom nothing is known, is true. While out shooting last winter within three miles of this town, we saw where a Moke had just been found with a rifle bullet through his head. When they cannot treat them with cruelty, they cheat and plunder them in every conceivable way. Any thing meaner than a S. C. planter, is impossible to imagine. What redress has Moke? None. If he dislikes this style of thing and complains, we can only say “go to a magistrate and make a complaint.” If he does so, he must give security in $200 or $300, to prosecute, or his complaint is not heard. This is the redress he has, and the satisfaction he gets, unless the certainty of feeling that he’ll be shot the first good opportunity, can be called satisfaction, a fact we don’t see in that light. There are a few localities in which the Justices(?) have some little humanity and regard for justice, but they dare not act. Should they act, and even express a desire to do justice to a Moke, any life insurance company would be warranted in cancelling their policy instanter. Another insuperable obstacle to anything like justice being done is the extensive ramification of the family relation. Suppose the whole of Franklin Co., divided into some hundred plantations and owned in one family connection; all the Mokes and poor whites (“tresh buccra”) under the old system would have been owned by that family connection. Now supposing all the property owners, actuated first by a deadly hatred to the government, second by a hatred to the Moke because he is free, and you see at once, that all the magistrates being members of that family, Moke or “tresh buccra” would have little to show. If they let him live, and shoot and beat him now and then, he ought to be satisfied. The last dodge in North Carolina is this: No one in N. C. who has ever been whipped can vote; therefore they are arresting all Mokes, for anything or nothing,–perjury is, you know, no crime in the South–and whipping them; and have announced their determination to whip every nigger in N. C., so as to disqualify him from voting for members of that convention. The N. C. delegation forgot to mention this amiable resolve in Washington, and so we had to send it on.

The last dodge in S. C. is this: A man sees a “likely nigger,” and preferring to have his services for nothing, swears out a warrant and has him arrested. Having let him lie in a S. C. jail for a few days, he goes to him, and offers to get him out, if he’ll agree to work for him six months or a year for nothing; of course Moke will do anything to get out, and we, from the moral obliquity of our vision, perhaps fail to see much difference between his former and his present condition. During the past week, the humane son of the jailor in this town, has with a club killed one and abused several freedmen in the jail. Suit will be brought against him to-morrow. High toned, honorable men, these moral church going community. Speaking of morals, you asked me what effect the female population of mixed blood was going to have on society here. I have looked somewhat into the matter since my return, from what I can learn, I believe there is hardly a young man here of Southern birth, who can afford the expense, who does not protect one of these girls, and few married men who have not two families. Miscegenation is practiced here. I know of nearly a dozen cases where the parties are married. These girls are many of them beautiful, many almost pure white, with blue eyes and light hair, of fine figures and lady-like appearance. Many of them are much whiter than the majority of pure whites, who seem to belong to the order of women known as scraggy, and are the color of a liver colored pointer, having tan colored paws and faces. But few children are born where these girls are protected by single men, while some of the old men have larger colored families. Nothing can be done to rectify this evil, as these girls will not on any account marry a man with a drop of “nigger blood” in his veins.

Thousands of the freed people here desire to quit the State. Many are going to Florida, some to Mississippi, and a large number to Texas. Northern men have purchased land in Florida, and are here now getting hands.

The people of Orangeburg rose and attempted to drive out the guard there, but the boys in blue having met Johnny before, formed, opened fire and cleared the streets in short order. There is a band there calling themselves “Dead Heads,” who have sworn to kill and drive out all freedmen from that section, and they have murdered four within a week. The cavalry, a detachment of Capt. William Brown’s Anotemicals, are after them.

That these people are slowly emerging from the darkness in which they have lived so long, is evinced by the passage of an act by the Legislature of this State, taxing all books, periodicals and papers coming from other States, twenty-five per cent. on their first cost, and by Georgia passing an act prohibiting all foreigners from holding real estate in that State—foreigners meaning all others than Georgians—which has since been reconsidered. Truly life among such a people is mere existence. Here in Charleston is the only spot where one can live with even a semblance of decency and comfort, and why? Because they know, that the troops once withdrawn, the freedmen would take this town and burn it in less than twenty-four hours. There is but one way to deal with this people, and that is the Irishman’s way with his wife. Appeal to them by the hair, expostulate with them by the shoulders, plead with them over the head. Add to this a sufficient quantity of moral suasion in the shape of bayonets and argumentative bullets, and something may be made of them in time. I would not have you understand that there is no leaven in this lump of the commonest humanity. There are among the young men, the soldiers, and to their credit be it said, they are heartily ashamed of the State, and will one and all quit it as soon as they can command the means. But the power, and the press and pulpit, are in the hands of an old, effete race, and young blood has no opportunity to make itself felt or heard.

That the colored race is doomed to extinction any observant man can see, and but few will be left to trouble the people of 1900. This fact that time will remove the cause of trouble, makes the trouble no less now. Time will cure the toothache, but it hurts at the time for all that. That the race is doomed is evident, and from these and other causes. They are incapable, or too careless to care for each other when sick. I have known them when sick of small-pox or pneumonia rise from their bed and go out into a cold, drizzling rain, yet feel it an outrage if compelled to do so. “We take care of she, we’s free as a frog, hab to take care of she, dats not bein free as a frog.” They care little for their children, and but few are being reared outside of the towns. They will leave their own sick and go any distance to nurse whites, and sit up with them night after night.

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Michelle’s Great-Great-Great-Granddaddy—and Yours

Posted in Articles, History, Media Archive, Slavery, United States on 2012-07-11 21:52Z by Steven

Michelle’s Great-Great-Great-Granddaddy—and Yours

The Root
2009-10-08

Henry Louis Gates Jr., Alphonse Fletcher University Professor and the Director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research
Harvard University

First Lady Michelle Obama’s maternal third-great-grandfather was a white man who fathered Melvinia Shields’ (her maternal third great-grandmother) son, Dolphus T. Shields, both slaves. This discovery, like all recoveries of the identities of ancestors we thought had been obliterated in the crucible of slavery, is first and foremost a welcome gift for the first family, especially for Michelle’s mother, Marian Shields Robinson, and the Shields family line. And for anyone still naïve enough to believe in the myth of racial purity, it is one more corroboration that the social categories of “white” and “black” are and always have been more porous than can be imagined, especially in that nether world called slavery.

As I have learned since embarking upon my African American Lives series (for PBS), never before are more African Americans determined to ferret out the names of their slave ancestors, and never before have more resources, especially online, been available to facilitate these searches. But, be prepared. To paraphrase the Bible: seek; but fasten your seat belt as to what ye may find…

…African Americans, just like our first lady, are a racially mixed or mulatto people—deeply and overwhelmingly so. Fact: Fully 58 percent of African-American people, according to geneticist Mark Shriver at Morehouse College, possess at least 12.5 percent European ancestry (again, the equivalent of that one great-grandparent). As a matter of fact, if I analyzed the y-DNA (which a man inherits exactly from his father, and he from his father, etc.) of all the black players in the NBA, fully one-third (somewhere between 30 percent and 35 percent) would, incredibly, discover that they were descended from a white male who impregnated a black female, most likely a female slave, just as a white man did Michelle Obama’s third-great-grandmother. In the ‘60s, we were fond of saying that we are an “African people.” Well, our DNA proclaims loudly that we are a European people, a multicultural people, a people black as well as white. You might think of us as an Afro-Mulatto people, our genes recombined in that test tube called slavery…

Read the entire article here.

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A Sad Case Of Miscegenation

Posted in Articles, Media Archive, United States on 2012-07-11 18:32Z by Steven

A Sad Case Of Miscegenation

Valley Spirit (source: Pittsburgh Post)
Franklin County, Virginia
1867-02-06
page 1, column 8

Source: Valley of the Shadow: Civil War Era Newspapers, University of Virginia Library

The piece relates the story of a woman, who, after consenting to marry a returning white Union officer, had an affair with a black man and bore a child by him. According to the Spirit, the woman’s “sad” predicament is undoubtedly the result of the “negro equality teachings” of the Radicals.

Before alderman Nicholson, there came a short time since a young and handsome woman named Eliza Montgomery bearing in her arms an infant five weeks old, which the most casual observer would not be a great while in discovering was, to a certain extent of negro parentage. The woman acknowledged herself to be the mother of the child, and desired to make an information against the father, a “black and tan,” for fornication and bastardy. Notwithstanding the character of the intimacy which must have existed between them, the woman was unable to tell the name of the blackamoor. She know his first name was Archie, and that was all. A warrant was accordingly issued for, the apprehension of Archie. The above, bad as it is, is not the worst feature of the case, “by a jug full.”

Mary Montgomery, a young, beautiful and intelligent girl, resided in one of our suburban villages, where a little more than a year ago, she was met, wooed and won by an army officer of this city, who had but recently been discharged from the service and whose name we suppress for prudential motives. They were engaged to be married, and the 2d of June last was fixed for the consummation of the event. During last spring she met the negro Archie, and forgetting her vows of constancy to her affianced husband, she maintained an improper intercourse with the negro-to her lasting infamy be it said—almost to the day of her marriage. The 2d of June came and with it the wedding, which was duly celebrated, and the pair lived happily together for a time. The young wife soon discovered, however, that serious consequences were about to result from her infamous conduct, and she made a “clean breast” of her crime to her husband. The denouement was of course followed by an immediate separation, and an application for divorce is now pending in court. On Wednesday last, the wretched woman made application to the guardians of the poor, and herself and mulatto child were sent to the Poor Farm where she will probably end her days in misery and disgrace—Pittsburgh Post.

The frequency of such cases as the forgoing of late make it evident that the negro equality teachings of Phillips, Forney, Cameron, and other Radical leaders, are having their affect upon the impressible minds of the young – the female sex especially. In the wreck of the young woman mentioned those leaders may see their work, as the public see it. Over such wrecks they are striding to place and power. Every step of their progress is marked with the footprints of shame, and every stage with a landmark of suffering. Alas, for the poor victims of Radical cupidity and ambition.

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God’s governor: George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853

Posted in Dissertations, History, Media Archive, Oceania, Politics/Public Policy on 2012-07-11 17:44Z by Steven

God’s governor: George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853

University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
August 2005
346 pages

Susannah Grant

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand

The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey’s policies of racial amalgamation.

Focusing on Grey’s first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 – 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey’s web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas – scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey’s main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey’s 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia.

Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Māori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority.

Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Māori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Māori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God’s divine plan for improving humankind.

Table of Contents

  • Introduction: Beyond Black and White
  • 1. Information and Improvement: an Imperial Web
  • 2. Civilising Schemes: Ethnography and Empire
  • 3. Law and War: the Politics of Humanitarian Control
  • 4. Economic Integration: Land, Labour and Loans
  • 5. Social Elevation: Education, Health and Culture
  • 6. Personal Rule: Performing Authority
  • Conclusion
  • Bibliography

Read the entire dissertation here.

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President Johnson’s Message

Posted in Articles, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, United States on 2012-07-11 02:28Z by Steven

President Johnson’s Message

Staunton Spectator
Staunton Virginia
1867-12-10
Column 1

Source: Valley of the Shadow: Civil War Era Newspapers, University of Virginia Library

A full transcript of President Johnson’s recent address to both houses of Congress, in which he argues that the most pressing danger facing the nation is the attempt “to Africanize the half of our country.”.

President Andrew Johnson
Washington, December 3, 1867

The continued disorganization of the Union, to which the President has so often called the attention of Congress, is yet a subject of profound and patriotic concern.-We may, however,, find some relief from that anxiety in the reelection that the painful political situation, although before untried by ourselves, is not new in the experience of nations. Political science, perhaps as highly perfected in our own time and country as in any other, has not yet disclosed any means by which civil wars can be absolutely prevented. An enlightened nation, however, with a wise and beneficent Constitution of free government, may diminish their frequency and mitigate their severity by directing all its proceedings in accordance with its fundamental law.

When a civil war has been brought to a close, it is manifestly the first interest and duty of the State to repair the injuries which the war has inflicted, and to secure the benefit of the lessons it teaches as fully and as speedily as possible. This duty was, upon the termination of the rebellion, promptly accepted, both only by the Executive Department, but by the insurrectionary States themselves, and restoration, in the first moment of peace, was believed to be as easy and certain as it was indispensable. The expectations, however, then so reasonably and confidently entertained, were disappointed by legislation from which I felt constrained by my obligations to the Constitution, to withhold my assent.

It is therefore a source of profound regret that, in complying with the obligation imposed upon the President by the Constitution, to give the Congress from time to time information of the state of the Union, I am unable to communicate ahy definitive adjustment satisfactory to the American People, of the questions which, since the close of the rebellion, have agitated the public mind. On the contrary, candor compels me to declare that at this time there is no Union as our Fathers understood the term, and as they meant it to be understood by us. The Union which they established can exist only where all the States are represented in both Houses of Congress; where one State is as free as another to regulate its internal concerns according to its own will: and where the laws of the central Government, strictly confined to matters of national jurisdiction, apply with equal force to all the people of every section. That such is not the present “state of the Union” is a melancholy fact; and we all must acknowledge that the restoration of the States to their proper legal relations with the Federal Government and with one another according to the terms of the original compact, would be the greatest temporal blessing which God, in his kindest providence, could bestow upon this nation. It becomes our imperative duty to consider whether or not it is impossible to effect this most desirable consummation…
 
…The plan of putting the Southern States wholly, and the General Government partially, into the hands of negroes, is proposed at a time peculiarly unpropitious. The foundations of society have been broken up by civil war. Industry must be reorganized and justice re-established, public credit maintained, and order brought out of confusion. To accomplish these ends would require all the wisdom and virtue of the great men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently believe that their descendants will be equal to the arduous task before them, but it is worse than madness to expect that negroes will perform it for us. Certainly we ought not to ask their assistance until we despair of our competency.

The great difference between the two races in physical, mental, and moral characteristics will prevent an amalgamation or fusion of them together in one homogeneous mass. If the inferior obtains the ascendancy over the other, it will govern with reference, only to its own interests-for it will recognize no common interest-and create such a tyranny as this continent has never witnessed. Already the negroes are influenced by promises of confiscation and plunder. They are taught to regard as an enemy every white man who has any respect for the rights of his own race. If this continues, it must become worse and worse, until all order will be subverted, all industry cease, and the fertile fields of the South grow up into a wilderness. Of all the dangers which our nation has yet encountered, non are equal to those which must result from the success of the effort now making to Africanize the half of the country.

I would not put considerations of money in competition with justice and right. But the expenses incident to “reconstruction” under the system adopted by Congress aggravate what I regard as the intrinsic wrong of the measure itself. It has cost uncounted millions already, and if persisted in will add largely to the weight of taxation, already too oppressive to be borne without just complaint, and may finally reduce the Treasury of the nation to a condition of bankruptcy. We must not delude ourselves. It will require a strong standing army, and probably more than two hundred millions of dollars per annum, to maintain the supremacy of negro governments after they are established. The sum thus thrown away would, if properly used, form a sinking fund large enough to pay the whole national debt in less than fifteen years. It is vain to hope that negroes will maintain their ascendancy themselves. Without military power they are wholly incapable of holding in subjection the white people of the South…

Read the entire article here.

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Black or biracial? Census forces a choice for some

Posted in Articles, Barack Obama, Census/Demographics, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science, United States on 2012-07-11 00:58Z by Steven

Black or biracial? Census forces a choice for some

Associated Press
2010-04-19

Jesse Washington, National Writer
Associated Press

There were 784,764 U.S. residents who described their race as white and black in the last census. But that number didn’t include Laura Martin, whose father is black and mother is white.

“I’ve always just checked black on my form,” said Martin, a 29-year-old university employee in Las Vegas. She grew up surrounded by black family and friends, listening to black music and active in black causes — “So I’m black.”

Nor did it include Steve Bumbaugh, a 43-year-old foundation director in Los Angeles, who also has a black father and white mother. “It’s not as if I’d have been able to drink out of the white and colored water fountains during Jim Crow,” he said. “And I most assuredly would have been a slave. As far as I’m concerned, that makes me black.”…

…It’s impossible to know how many of the 35 million people counted as “black alone” in 2000 have a white parent. But it’s clear that the decision to check one box — or more — on the census is often steeped in history, culture, pride and mentality.

Exhibit A is President Barack Obama. He declined to check the box for “white” on his census form, despite his mother’s well-known whiteness.

Obama offered no explanation, but Leila McDowell has an idea.

“Put a hoodie on him and have him walk down an alley, and see how biracial he is then,” said McDowell, vice president of communications for the NAACP.

“Being black in this country is a political construct,” she said. “Even though my father is white and I have half his genes, when I apply for a loan, when I walk into the car lot, when I apply for a job, they don’t see me as half white, they see me as black. If you have any identifying characteristics, you’re black.”…

…But the logic is simple for Ryan Graham, the brown-skinned son of a white-black marriage who defines himself as multiracial.

“Say you’re wearing a black-and-white shirt. Somebody asks, ‘What color is your shirt?’ It’s black and white. There you go. People ask me, ‘What race are you?’ I say I’m black and white. It’s that simple,” said Graham, a 25-year-old sales consultant from Fort Lauderdale, Fla…

Read the entire article here.

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